The Life and Curious Adventures of Peter Williamson, who was Carried Off ...

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NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES

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THE LIFE

AND

CURIOUS ADVENTURES

J-

OF

PETER WILLIAMSON,

Who was carried off from Aberdeen^
and sold for a Slave,

JL IsTE-W E3Dia?IOIsr.

ABERDEEN: LEWIS SMITH 6? .SON,

AND ALL BOOKSElLSlis.*. ;*W%

* ^ "t. " I 'f W V 1

^

ITF ''Z':^I YCliK

PUBLIC l;bxary

ASTOR, LENOX AND

ABBRDEBN :
PRINTED BY LEWIS SMITH & SON.

fREFACE.

He who reads the life of Peter Williamson will find it fraught
with much useful instruction. The language in which it is
narrated is a sufiicient proof that its author was no designing
man, who intended to impose on the credulity of the vulgar, and
satiate their appetite for the marvellous, by the account of his
sufferings. Were not the facts sufficiently vouched for, we would
almost suppose that, while reading his nair-breadth escapes, we
were perusm^some tale of romance, or the fanciful production of
some ingenious novelist. But the tale is too true ; the crime of
kidnapping made more sufferers than Williamson, and Aberdeen
was not tSe only place disgraced by this horrible traffic It is
useless — it is worse than useless — it is absolutely criminal to
argue, that children of nine or ten years were able to indent
themselves, and to implement articles of agreement which were
never meant to be fulfilled — nay, where ptsrsonal liberty is con-
cerned, even although the person had arrived at the years of
maturity, it is a right which he could neither give nor sell ; in
corroboration of this I shall adduce the opinion of the celebrated
Rousseau, in his treaty on the Social Compact, he thus writes :
" To renounce one's personal liberty is to renounce one*s very
being as a man ; it is to renounce not only the rights but also
the duties of humanity. And what possible indemnification can
be made to the man who thus gives up his all ? Such a remu-
neration is incompatible with our very nature ; for to deprive us
of the liberty of will, is to take away all morality firom our
actions. In a word, a convention which, on the one part
stipulates absolute authority, and on the other implicit obe-
dience, is in itself futile and contradictory." Such then is a just
view of those indentures for life, which were held out by the
kidnappers as just and lawful. But here let us observe, that
their crime assumes a blacker die when we take into consider-
ation the circumstance that these indentures were never proposed
until they had actual possession of the bodies of their victims ; it
matters not how this possession was obtained, whether by cajol-
ing artifices, or absolute violence, they were in durance, and no .
opposition would have availed, nor would resistance have frustrat-
ed the designs of their enslavers. When the prisoners were
landed in Virginia or Carolina, they discovered their true

^

IV PREFACE.

situation ; driven like beasts of burden to a market place, they
were exposed for sale, and given accordingly to the highest
bidder, let his character or principles be what they may. Think,
reader, for a moment, that your brother, the companion of your
sports, the friend of your heart, one night disappeared and was
seen no more — that the grief and sorrow of your parents were
bringing them fast to the grave ; and that, though years might
roll, they brought no tidings of their lost child ; and that their
last prayers were breathed for the ever-lost boy. And this was
many a brother's — many a parent's lot. Or did chance, at some
long future period, bring the doubtful intelligence that he was
alive on some far distant shore — a mother's heart would yearn,
and a father's grief would be in vain supprest — they would mourn
for the living as the dead — to them he would be dead; and,
dreading, doubting, hoping, they would die, with the sad, yet
consoling anticipation, that a few years after and they would
embrace their child in that happy land where oppressors could
no more part them, but where **God the Lord would wipe all
tears from their eyes." One thought more on this subject,
those who were kidnapped were persons who, having felt the
blessings of liberty, would therefore be more susceptible of the
horrors of slavery : they were fit for the enjo5nnent of a state of
liberty by education and by birth, and the awful novelty of
being slaves would therefore present itself to their view in its
most aggravated form. All their high hopes would be crushed,
all their youthful day-dreams would vanish as airy phantoms, and
the cruel reality of their hopeless situation would mock all their
fancied prospects of future worldly bliss. Well may we con-
gratulate ourselves that these days have gone by, and that no
oppressor, however rich and powerful, can devote us at the

ALTAR OF SLAVERY.

It would be well if we could say as much of every class of
subjects. There is a race whose only crime is their complexion,
and whose only vice is their want of education — a want which
their iron-hearted oppressors will not allow to be supplied — and
this race is liable to tenfold greater calamities than did ever befal
our infatuate fellow-citizens of Aberdeen, even when the practice
of kidnapping was carried on in its most villainous extent. The
slaves in the West Indies — for it is to them we allude — are the
objects of the sympathy of Christendom. Already have the most
of its states declared the crime of man-stealing to be piracy, and
therefore punishable with death ; but still the nefarious traffic is
pursued, and in spite of the vigilance evinced by our cruisers,
thousands are dragged from their homes to wear out a listless
life of dreary solitude. In vain are laws enacted when interest

PREFACE. V

and prejudice so strongly warp the minds of the planters, that
justice and morality are excluded, and rapine and oppression
necessarily domineer in their breasts. It has been often argued
that the slaves in the West Indies are not the victims of oppres-
sion, that they are well treated, and, in many cases, that they
live more comfortably than our artisans do at home. But grant-
ing that it were the case that the slaves were well treated, what
does it bear against the general argument ? Nothing at all ; for
it will not matter whether the chain with which he is fettered be
made of iron or of gold, it is equally strong. The wretch who is
secured with a silken cord is as much a prisoner as he who is
bound with hemp.

THE

LIFE AND CURIOUS ADVENTURES

PETER WILLIAMSON.

INTRODUCTION.

HE reader is not here to expect a large
and useless detail of the transactions of
late years, in that part of the world where,
ever bince my infancy, it has been my
111 is fortune to have lived. Was it in my
. |i;juc;[\ indeed, to set off with pompous
-J diction, and embellish with artificial
descriptions, what has so engrossed the attention of
Europe, as well as the scenes of action for some years
past, perhaps I might ; but my poor pen being wholly
unfit for such a task, and never otherwise employed
than just for my own affairs and amusement, while I
had the pleasure of living tranquil and undisturbed, I
must beg leave to desist from such an attempt; and if
such is expected from me, claim the indulgence of that
pardon which is never refused to those incapacitated
of performing what may be desired of them. And as
a plain, impartial, and succinct narrative of my own
life, and various vicissitudes of fortune, is all that I
now shall aim at, I shall herein confine myself to plain
simple truth, and, in the dictates resulting from an
honest heart, give the reader no other entertainment

8

than what shall be matter of fact ; and of such things
as have actually happened to me, or come to my own
knowledge in the sphere of life in which it has been
my lot to be placed. Not but I hope I may be allow-
ed, now and then, to carry on my narrative from the
information I have received of such things as relate to
my design, though they have not been done or trans-
acted in my presence.

It being usual in narratives like this, to give a short
account of the author's birth, education, and juvenile
exploits, the same being looked upon as necessary, or
at least a satisfactory piece of information to the curious
and inquisitive reader, I shall, without boasting of a
family I am no way entitled to, or recounting adven-
tures in my youth to which I was entirely a stranger, in
a short manner gratify such curiosity ; not expecting,
as I said before, to be admired for that elegance of style,
and profusion of words, so universally made use of in
details and histories of those adventurers who have of
late years obliged the world with their anecdotes and
memoirs, and which have had scarce any other exist-
ence than in the brains of a bookseller's or printer's
garreteer, who, from fewer incidents, and less surprising
matter, than will be found in this short narrative, have
been, and are daily enabled to spin and work out their
elaborate performances to three or four volumes.

THE AUTHOR'S BIRTH, &c.

Know, therefore, that I was born in Hirnlay, in t)ie
Parish of Aboyne, and County of Aberdeen, North
Britain, if not of rich, yet of reputable parents, who
supported me in the best manner they could, as long
as they had the happiness of having me under their
inspection ; but fatally for me, and to their great grief,
as it afterwards proved, I was sent to live with an aunt
at Aberdeen. When under the years of pupillarity,
playing on the quay, with others of my companions,
being of a stout, robust constitution, I was taken
notice of by two fellows belonging to a vessel in the
harbour, employed (as the trade then was) by some of
the worthy merchants in the town, in that villainous
and execrable practice called Kidnapping; that is,
stealing young children from their parents, and selling
them as slaves in the plantations abroad. Being
marked out by these monsters of impiety as their prey,
I was cajoled on board the ship by them, where I was
no sooner got, than they conducted me between the
decks to some others they had kidnapped in the same
manner. At that time I had no sense of the fate that
was destined for me, and spent the time in childish
amusements with my fellow sufferers in the steerage,
being never suffered to go upon deck whilst the vessel
lay in the harbour, which was until such a time as
they had got in their loading, with a complement of
unhappy youths for carrying on their wicked commerce.
In about a month's time the ship set sail for America.
The treatment we met with, and the trifling incidents
which happened during the voyage, I hope I may be
excused from relating, as not being at that time of an
age sufficient to remark anything more than what must
occur to everyone on such an occasion. However, I

lO

cannot forget that, when we arrived on the coast we
were destined for, a hard gale of wind sprung up from
the S.K, and, to the captain's great surprise (he not
thinking he was near land) although having been eleven
weeks oh the passage, about twelve o'clock at night the
ship struck on a sand-bank off Cape May, near the
Capes of Delaware, and to the great terror and affright
of the ship's company, in a short time was almost full
of water. The boat was then hoisted out, into which
the captain, and his fellow villains — the crew — got with
some difficulty, leaving me, and my deluded com-
panions, to perish, as they then naturally concluded
inevitable death to be our fate. Often, in my dis-
tresses and miseries since, have I wished that such had
been the consequence, when in a state of innocence ;
but Providence though proper to reserve me for future
trials of its goodness. Thus abandoned and deserted,
without the least prospect of relief, but threatened
every moment with death, did these villains leave us.
The cries, the shrieks, and tears of a parcel of infants,
had no effect on, or caused the least remorse in the
breasts of these merciless wretches. Scarce need I say,
to which to give the preference ; whether to such as
these who have had the opportunity of knowing the
Christian religion; or to the savages hereinafter de-
scribed, who profane not the gospel, or boast of
humanity, and if they act in a more brutal and
butcherly manner, yet it is to their enemies, for the
sake of plunder and the rewards offered them, for their
principles are alike, the love of sordid gain being both
their motives. The ship being on a sandbank, which
did not give way to let her deeper, we lay in the same
deplorable condition until morning, when, though we
saw the land of Cape May, at about a mile's distance,
we knew no what would be our fate.

The wind at length abated, and the captain (unwiU-

II

ing to lose all her cargo), about ten o'clock, sent some
of his crew in a boat to the ship's side to bring us on
shore, where we lay in a sort of a camp, made of the
sails of the vessel, and such other things as we could
get. The provisions lasted us until we were taken in
by a vessel bound to Philadelphia, lying on this island,
as well as I can recollect, near three weeks. Very
little of the cargo was saved undamaged, and the
vessel entirely lost

When arrived and landed at Philadelphia, the capital
of Pennsylvania, the captain had soon people enough
who came to buy us. He, making the most of his
villainous loading, after his disaster, sold us at about
;^i6 per head. What became of my unhappy com-
panions I never knew ; but it was my lot to be sold to
one of my countrymen, whose name was Hugh Wilson,
a North Briton, for the term of seven years, who had in
his youth undergone the same fate as myself, having
been kidnapped from St. Johnstown, in Scotland. As
I shall often have occasion to mention Philadelphia
during the course of my adventures, I shall, in this
' place, give a short and concise description of the finest
city of America, and one of the best laid out in the
world.

DESCRIPTION OF PHILADELPHIA.

This city would have been a capital fit for an empire
had it been built and inhabited according to the pro-
prietor's plan. Considering its late foundation, it is a
large city, and most commodiously situated between
the Delaware and Schuylkill, two navigable rivers. The
former being two miles broad, and navigable 300 miles
for small vessels. It extends in length two miles from
the one river to the other. There are eight long streets
two miles in length, all straight and spacious. The

12

houses are stately, very numerous (being near 3000),
and still increasing, and all carried on regularly accord-
ing to the first plan. It has two fronts to the water,
one on the east side facing the Schuylkill, and that
on the west facing the Delaware. The Schuylkill being
navigable 800 miles above the falls, the eastern part is
most populous, where the warehouses (some three stories
high), and wharfs are numerous and convenient All
the houses have large orchards and gardens belonging
to them. The merchants that reside here are numerous
and wealthy, many of them keeping their coaches, &c.
In the centre of the city there is a space of ten acres,
whereon are built the state-house, market-house, and
school-house. The former is built of brick, and has a
prison under it. The streets have their names from the
several sorts of timber common in Pennsylvania ; as
Mulberry Street, Saffafras Street, Chestnut Street, Beech
Street, and Cedar Street. The oldest church is Christ
Church, and has a numerous congregation ; but the
major part of the inhabitants, being at first Quakers,
still continue so, who have several meeting-houses, and
may not improperly be called the church, as by law
established, being the originals. The quay is beautiful,
and 200 feet square, to which a ship of 200 tons may
lay her broadside. Near the town, and on the spot
which separates it from the Schuylkill, where that river
falls into the Delaware, is found black earth of a great
depth, and covered with vegetation ; and which, it is
evident, has been recently left by the water; It has
all the character of land perfectly new, and as yet
scarcely raised from the bed of the river. This land is
used for meadows, and is in great estimation. It is
acknowledged, however, to be extremely unhealthy. Be-
tween that and Wilmington, the quality of the stone is
quartzose ; ocher is also to be found in an imperfect
state. As the advantages this city may boast of has

13

rendered it one of the best trading towns out of the
British empire, so in all probability it will increase in
commerce and riches, if not prevented by party, faction,
and religious feuds, which of late years have made it
suffer considerably. The assemblies and courts of
judicature are held here, as in all capitals. The French
have no city like in all America.

Happy was my lot in falling into my countryman's
power, as he was, contrary to many others of his call-
ing, a humane, worthy, honest man. Having no children
of his own, and commiserating my unhappy condition,
he took great care of me until I was fit for business,
and about the 12th year of my age sent me about little
trifles, in which state I continued until my 14th year,
when I was more fit for harder work. During such my
idle state, seeing my fellow-servants often reading and
writing, it incited in me an inclination to learn, which
I intimated to my master, telling him I should be very
willing to serve a year longer than the contract by
which I was bound, if he would indulge me in going to
school ; this he readily agreed to, saying that winter
would be the best time. It being then summer, I
waited with impatience for the other season ; but to
make some progress in my design, I got a primer, and
learned as much from my fellow-servants as I could.
At school, where I went every winter for five years, I
made tolerable proficiency, and have ever since been
improving myself at leisure hours.

With diis good master I continued till I was seven-
teen years old, when he died, and, as a reward for my
faithftil service, he left me ;^2oo currency, which was
then about ^£1^0 sterling, his best horse, saddle, and
all his wearing apparel.

Being now my own master, having money in my
pocket, and all other necessaries, I employed myself in
jobbing about the country, working for any one that

14

would employ me, for near seven years, when thinking
I had money sufficient to follow some better way of life,
I resolved to settle, but thought one step necessary
thereto was to be married, for which purpose I applied
to the daughter of a substantial planter^ and found my
suit was not unacceptable to her or her father, so that
matters were soon concluded upon, and we married.
My father-in-law, in order to establish us in the world
in an easy, if not affluent manner, made me a deed of
gift of a track of land, that lay (unhappily for me as it
has since proved) on the frontiers of the province of
Pennsylvania, near the forks of Delaware, in Berks
county, containing about 200 acres, 30 of which were
well cleared, and fit for immediate use, whereon was a
good house and barn. The place pleasing me well, I
settled on it, though it cost me the major part of my
money in buying stock, household furniture, and imp-
lements for out-door work ; and happy as I was in a
good wife, yet did my felicity last me not long, for
about the year 1754 the Indians, in the French interest,
who had for a long time before ravaged and destroyed
other parts of America unmolested, I may very properly
say, began to be very troublesome on the frontiers of
our province, where they generally appeared in small
skulking parties, with yellings^ shoutings, and antic
postures, instead of trumpets and drums, committing
great devastations. The Pennsylvanians little imagined
at first that the Indians, guilty of such outrages and
violence, were some of those who pretended to be in
the English interest, which, alas! proved to be too true
to many of us, for, like the French in Europe, without
regard to faith or treaties, they suddenly break out into
furious, rapid outrages and devastations, but soon retire
precipitately, having no stores or provisions but what
they meet with in their incursions. Some, indeed, carry
a bag with biscuit or Indian corn therein, but not unless

15

they have a long march to their destined place of action.
And those French, who were sent to dispossess us in
that part of the world, being indefatigable in their
duty, and continually contriving and using all manner
of ways and means to win the Indians to their interest,
many of whom had been too negligent, and sometimes,
I may say, cruelly treated by those who pretend to be
their proctectors and friends, found it no very difficult
matter to get over to their interest many who belonged
to those nations in amity with us, especially as the
rewards they gave them were so great, they paying for
every scalp of an English person ^£1^ sterling.

Terrible and shocking to human nature were the
barbarities daily committed by the savages, and are
not to be parsJleled in all the volumes of history !
Scarce did a day pass but some unhappy family or other
fell victims to French chicanery and savage cruelty.
Terrible indeed it proved to me as well as to many
others ; I that was now happy in an easy state of life,
blessed with an affectionate and tender wife, who was
possessed of all amiable qualities, to enable me to go
through the world with that peace and serenity of
mind which every Christian wishes to possess, became
on a sudden one of the most unhappy and deplorable
of mankind; scarce can I sustain the shock, which for-
ever recoils on me, at thinking on the last time of see-
ing that good woman. The fatal 2nd of October, 1754,
she that day went from home to visit some of her rela-
tions. As I staid up later than usual, expecting her
return, none being in the house besides myself, how
great was my surprise, terror, and affright, when about
eleven o'clock at night I heard the dismad war-cry or war-
whoop of the savages, which they make on such occa-
sions, and may be expressed, Wocuh^ woach^ ha^ ha,
hach^ woach, and to my inexpressible grief, soon found
my house was attacked by them ; I flew to my cham-

i6

ber-window, and perceived them to be twelve in num-
ber. They making several attempts to get in, I asked
them what they wanted. They gave me no answer,
but continued beating, and trying to get the door open.
Judge, then, the condition I must be in, knowing the
cruelty and merciless disposition of those savages should
I fall into their hands. To escape which dreadful mis-
fortune, having my gun loaded in my hand, I threat-
ened them with death if they should not desist. But
how vain and fruitless are the efforts of one man against
the united force of so many, and of such merciless,
undaunted, and bloodthirsty monsters as I had here
to deal with. One of them that could speak a little
English, threatened me in return, "That if I did not
come out, they would burn me alive in the house ; "
telling me further, what I unfortunately perceived,
" That they were no friends to the English, but if I
would come out and surrender myself prisoner, they
would not kill me." My terror and distraction at hear-
ing this is not to be expressed by words, nor easily
imagined by any person, unless in the same condition.
Little could I depend on the promises of such crea-
tures, and yet if I did not, inevitable death, by being
burned alive, must be my lot. Distracted as I was in
such deplorable circumstances, I chose to rely on the
uncertainty of their fallacious promises, rather than
meet with certain death by rejecting them ;• and ac-
cordingly went out of my house with my gun in my
hand, not knowing what I did, or that I had it. Im-
mediately on my approach, they rushed on me like so
many tigers, and instantly disarmed me. Having me
thus in their power the merciless villains bound me to
a tree near the door ; they then went into the house,
and plundered and destroyed everything there was in
it, carrying off what moveables they could ; the rest,
together with the house, which they set fire to, was

17

consumed before my eyes. The barbarians, not satis-
fied with this, set fire to my barn, stable, and outhouses,
wherein were about 200 bushels of wheat, six cows,
four horses, and five sheep, which underwent the same
fate, being all entirely consumed to ashes. During
the conflagration, to describe the thoughts, the fears,
and misery that I felt, is utterly impossible, as it is
even now to mention what I feel at the remembrance
thereof.

Having thus finished the execrable business about
which they came, one of the monsters came to me with
a tomahawk* in his hand, threatening me with the
worst of deaths if I would not willingly go with them,
and be contented with their way of living. This I
seemingly agreed to, promising to do everything for
them that lay in my power, trusting to Providence
for the time when I might be delivered out of their
hands. Upon this they untied me, and gave me a
great load to carry on my back, under which I travelled
all that night with them, full of the most terrible appre-
hensions, and oppressed with the greatest anxiety of
mind lest my unhappy wife should likewise have fallen
a prey to these cruel monsters. At daybreak, my
infernal masters ordered me to lay down my load,
^hen, tying my hands again round a tree with a small
cord, they then forced the blood out of my finger-ends.
They then kindled a fire near the tree whereto I was
bound, which filled me with the most dreadful agonies,
concluding I was going to be made a sacrifice to their
barbarity.

This narrative, O reader ! may seem dry and tedious

* Tomahawk is a kind of hatchet, made something like our plasterers'
hammers, about two feet long, handle and all. To take up the hatchet (or
tomakawk) among them, is to declare war. They generally use it after
firing their guns^ by rushing on their enemies^ and fracturing or cleaving
their skulls with it, and very seldom fail of killing at the first blow.

i8

to you : my miseries and misfortunes, great as they
have been, may be considered only as what others have
daily met with for years past ; yet, on reflection, you
cannot help indulging me in the recital of them, for
to the unfortunate and distressed, recounting, our
miseries is, in some sort, an alleviation of them.

Permit me therefore to proceed : not by recounting
to you the deplorable condition I was then in, for that
is more than can be described to you, by one who
thought of nothing less than being immediately put to
death in the most excruciating manner these devils
could invent. The fire being thus made, they for some
time danced round me after their manner, with various
odd motions and antic gestures, whooping, hallooing,
and crying in a frightful manner, as it is their custom.
Having satisfied themselves in this sort of their mirth,
they proceeded in a more tragical manner, taking the
burning coals and sticks, flaming with fire at the ends,
holding them near my face, head, hands, and feet, with
a deal of monstrous pleasure and satisfaction, and at
the same time threatening to bum me entirely if I
made the least noise or cried out. Thus tortured as
I was, almost to death, I suffered their brutal pleasure
without being allowed to vent my inexpressible anguish
otherwise than by shedding tears, even which, when
those inhuman tormentors observed, with a shocking
pleasure and alacrity, they would take fresh coals, and
apply near my eyes, telling me my face was wet, and
that they would dry it for me, which indeed they
cruelly did. How I underwent these tortures I h^ve
here faintly described, has been matter of wonder
to me many times ; but God enabled me to wait with
more than common patience for a deliverance I daily
prayed for.

Having at length satisfied their brutal pleasure, they
sat down round the fire, and roasted their meat, of

19

which they had robbed my dwelling. When they had
prepared it, and satisfied their voracious appetites, they
offered some to me ; though it is easily imagined I had
but little appetite to eat, after the tortures and miseries
I had undergone, yet was I forced to seem pleased
with what they offered me, lest, by refusing it, they
had again resumed their hellish practices. What I
could not eat I contrived to get between the bark and
the tree where I was fixed, they having unbound my
hands until they imagined I had eat all they gave me ;
but then they again bound me as before, in which
deplorable condition was I forced to continue all that
day. When the sun was set they put out the fire, and
covered the ashes with leaves, as is their usual custom,
that the white people might not discover any traces or
signs of their having been there.

Thus had these barbarous wretches finished their
last diabolical piece of work, and shocking as it may
seem to the humane English heart, yet what I under-
went was but trifling, in comparison to the torments
and miseries which I was afterwards an eye-witness of
being inflicted on others of my unhappy fellow creatures.

Going from thence along by the river Susquehana
for the space of six miles, loaded as I was before, we
arrived at a spot near the Apalachian mountains, or
Blue Hills, where they hid their plunder under logs of
wood. And, oh, shocking to relate ! from thence did
these hellish monsters proceed to a neighbouring house,
occupied by one Joseph Snider and his unhappy family,
consisting of his wife, five children, and a young man,
his servant. They soon got admittance into the un-
fortunate man's house, where they immediately, without
the least remorse, and with more than brutal cruelty,
scalped* the tender parents and the unhappy children :

* Scalping is taking off the skin from the top of the head, which they per-
form with a long knife which they hang round their necks, and always carry

ao

nor could the tears, the shrieks, or cries of these
unhappy victims, prevent their horrid massacre ; for
having thus scalped them, and plundered the house of
every thing that was moveable, they set fire to the same,
where the poor creatures met their final doom amidst
the flames, the hellish miscreants standing at the door,
or as near the house as the flames would permit them,
rejoicing, and echoing back in their diabolical manner,
the piercing cries, heart-rending groans, and paternal
and affectionate soothings, which issued from this
most horrid sacrifice of an innocent family. Sacrifice !
I think I may properly call it, to the aggrandizing the
ambition of a king who wrongly styles himself Most
Christian ! For, had these savages been never tempted
with the alluring bait of all-powerful gold, myself, as
well as hundreds of others, might still have lived most
happily in our stations. If Christians countenance,
nay, hire those wretches to live in a continual repeti-
tion of plunder, rapine, murder, and conflagration, in
vain are missionaries sent, or sums expended, for the
propogation of the gospel. But these sentiments,
with many others, must, before the end of this narra-
tive, occur to every humane heart. Therefore to
proceed — Not contented with what these infernals had
already done, they still continued their inordinate
villainy, in making a general conflagratoin of the bam
and stables, together with all the com, horses, cows,
and every thing on the place.

Thinking the young man belonging to this unhappy
family would be of some service to them in carrying

with them. They cut the skin round as much of the head as they think proper,
sometimes quite round from the neck and forehead, then take it m their finders
and pluck it off, and often leave the unhappy creatures, so served, to die in a
most miserable manner. Some who are not cut too deep in the temples and
skull, live in horrid torments many hours, and sometimes a day or two after.
The scalps, or skins thus taken off, they preserve and carry home in triumph,
where they receive, as is said before, a considerable sum for every one.

21

part of their hellish acquired plunder, they spared his
life, and loaded him and myself with what they had
here got, and again marched to the Blue Hills, where
they stowed their goods as before. My fellow-sufferer
could not long bear the cruel treatment which we were
both obliged to suffer, and complaining bitterly to me
of his being unable to proceed any farther, I en-
deavoured to condole him as much as lay in my power,
to bear up under his afflictions, and wait with patience
till by the divine assistance we should be delivered out
of their clutches ; but all in vain, for he still continued
his moans and tears, which, one of the savages per-
ceiving, as we travelled on, instantly came up to us,
and with his tomahawk gave him a blow on the head,
which felled the unhappy youth to the ground, where
they immediately scalped and left him. The sudden-
ness of this murder shocked me to that degree, that I
was in a manner like a statue, being quite motionless,
expecting my fate would soon be the same : however,
recovering my distracted thoughts, I dissembled the
uneasiness and anguish which I felt, as well as I could,
from the barbarians ; but still, such was the terror that
I was under, that for some time I scarce knew the days
of the week, or what I did, so that, at this period, life
indeed became a burden to me, and I regretted being
saved from my first persecutors, the sailors.

The horrid fact being completed, they kept on their
course near the mountains, where they lay skulking
four or five days, rejoicing at the plunder and store
they had got. When provisions became scarce, they
made their way towards Susquehana, where still, to
add to the many barbarities they had already com-
mitted, passing near another house inhabited by an
unhappy old man, whose name was John Adams, with
his wife and four small children ; and, meeting with no
resistance, they immediately scalped the unhappy wife

and her four children, before the good old man's eyes.
Inhuman and horrid as this was, it did not satiate them ;
for when they had murdered the poor woman, they
acted with her in such a brutal manner, as decency,
or the remembrance of the crime, will not permit me
to mention; and this even before the unhappy husband,
who, not being able to avoid the sight, and incapable
of affording her the least relief, entreated them to put
an end to his miserable being ; but they were as deaf
and regardless to the tears, prayers, and entreaties of
this venerable sufferer, as they had been to those of
the others, and proceeded in their hellish purpose of
burning and destroying his house, bam, cattle, hay,
com, and every thing the poor man a few hours before
was master of. Having saved what they thought pro-
per from the flames, they gave the old man, feeble,
weak, and in the miserable condition he then was, as
well as myself, burdens to carry, and loading themselves
likewise with bread and meat, pursued their journey on
towards the Great Swamp, where, being arrived, they
lay for eight or nine days, sometimes diverting them-
selves in exercising the most atrocious and barbarous
cmelties on their unhappy victim, the old man : some-
times they would strip him naked, and paint him all
over with various sorts of colours, which they extracted,
or made from, herbs and roots : at other times they
would pluck the white hairs from his venerable beard,
and tauntingly tell him he was a fool for living so lon^^
and that they would shew him kindness in putting him
out of the world ; to all which the poor creature could
but vent his sighs, his tears, his moans, and entreaties,
that, to my affrighted imagination, were enough to
penetrate a heart of adamant, and soften the most
obdurate savage. In vain, alas! were all his tears,
for daily did they tire themselves with the various
means they tried to torment him ; sometimes tying

23

him to a tree, and whipping him ; at others, scorching
his furrowed cheeks with red-hot coals, and burning
his legs, quite to the knees ; but the good old man,
instead of repining, or wickedly arraigning the divine
justice, like many others in such cases, even in the
greatest agonies, incessantly offered up his prayers to
the Almighty, with the most fervent thanksgivings for
his former mercies, and hoping the flames, then sur-
rounding and burning his aged limbs, would soon send
him to the blissful mansions of the just, to be a partaker
of the blessings there. And during such his pious
ejaculations, his infernal plagues would come round
him, mimicking his heart-rending groans and piteous
wailings. One night after he had thus been tormented,
whilst he and I were sitting together condoling each
other at the misfortunes and miseries we daily suffered,
twenty scalps and three prisoners were brought in by
another party of Indians. They had unhappily fallen
in their hands in Cannocojigge, a small town near the
river Susquehana, chiefly inhabited by the Irish.
These prisoners gave us some shocking accounts of
the murders and devastations committed in their parts.
The various and complicated actions of these barbarians
would entirely fill a large volume, but what I have
already written, with a few other instances which I
shall select from their information, will enable the
reader to guess at the horrid treatment the English,
and Indians in their interest, suffered for many years
past. I shall therefore only mention in a brief manner
those that suffered near the same time with myself.
This party, who now joined us, had it not, I found, in
their power to begin their wickedness as soon as those
who visited my habitation, the first of their tragedies
being on the 25th day of October, 1754, when John
Lewis, with his wife and three small children, fell
sacrifices to their cruelty, and were miserably scalped

24

and murdered, his house, bam, and everything he pos-
sessed, being burned and destroyed. On the 28thy
Jacob Miller, with his wife and six of his family,
together with everything on his plantation, underwent
the same fate. The 30th, the house, mill, bam, twenty
head of cattle, two teams of horses, and everything
belonging to the unhappy George Folke, met with the
like treatment ; himself, wife, and all his miserable
family, consisting of nine in number, being inhumanly
scalped, then cut in pieces and given to the swine,
which devoured them. I shall give another instance
of the numberless and unheard-of barbarities they
related of these savages, and proceed to their own
tragical end. In short, one of the substantial traders
belonging to the province, having business that called
him some miles up the country, fell into the hands of
these devils, who not only scalped him, but immediately
roasted him before he was dead ; then, like cannibals
for want of other food, eat his whole body, and of his
head made what they called an Indian pudding.

From these few instances of savage cruelty, the
deplorable situation of the defenceless inhabitants, and
what they hourly suffered in that part of the globe,
must strike the utmost horror to a human soul, and
cause in every breast the utmost detestation, not only
against the authors of such tragic scenes, but against
those who through perfidy, inattention, or pusillani-
mous and erroneous principles, suffered these savages
at first, unrepelled, or even unmolested, to commit
such outrages and incredible depredations and mur-
ders : for no torments, no barbarities that can be
exercised on the human sacrifices they get into their
power, are left untried or omitted.

The three prisoners that were brought with these
additional forces, constantly repining at their lot, and
almost dead with their excessive hard treatment.

25

contrived at last to make their escape ; but being far
from their own settlements, and not knowing the
country, were soon after met by some others of the
tribes or nations at war with us, and brought back to
their diabolical masters, who greatly rejoiced at having
them again in their infernal power. The poor creatures,
almost famished for want of sustenance, having had
none during the time of their elopement, were no
sooner in the clutches of the barbarians, than two of
them were tied to a tree, and a great fire made round
them, where they remained till they were terribly
scorched and burnt; when one of the villains, with
his scalping knife, ript open their bellies, took out
their entrails, and burnt them before their eyes, whilst
the others were cutting, piercing, anjd tearing the flesh
from their breasts, hands, arms, and legs, with red hot
irons, till they were dead. The third unhappy victim
was reserved a few hours longer, to be, if possible,
sacrificed in a more cruel manner : his arms were tied
close to his body, and a hole being dug deep enough
for him to stand upright, he was put therein, and earth
rammed and beat in all round his body, up to the neck,
so that his head only appeared above the ground ; they
then scalped him, and there let him remain for three
or four hours in the greatest agonies, after which they
made a small fire near his head, causing him to suffer
the most excruicating torments imaginable, whilst the
poor creature could only cry for mercy in killing him
immediately, for his brains were boiling in his head.
Inexorable to all his plaints, they continued the fire,
whilst, shocking to behold, his eyes gushed out of their
sockets, and such agonising torments did the unhappy
creature suffer for near two hours, till he was quite
dead ! They then cut of his head and buried it with
the other bodies, my task being to dig the graves,
which, feeble and terrified as I was, the dread of

26

suffering the same fate enabled me to do. I shall not
here take up the reader's time, in vainly attempting to
describe what I felt on such an occasion, but continue
my nan-ative as more equal to my abilities.

A great snow now falling, the barbarians were a
little fearful lest the white people should, by their
traces, find out their skulking retreats, which obliged
them to make the best of their way to their winter
quarters, about two hundred miles farther from any
plantations or inhabitants; where, after a long and
tedious journey, being almost starved, I arrived with
this infernal crew. The place where we were to rest,
in their tongue, is called Alamingo. There were found
a number of wigwams* full of their women and chil-
dren. Dancing, shooting, and shouting were their
general amusements; and in all their festivals and
dances they relate what successes they have had, and
what damages they have sustained in their expeditions,
in which I became part of their theme. The severity
of the cold increasing, they stript me of my clothes for
their own use, and gave me such as they usually wore
themselves, being a piece of blanket, a pair of mogganeSy
or shoes, with a yard of coarse cloth to put round me
instead of breeches. To describe their dress and
manner of living may not be altogether unacceptable.

That they in general wear a white blanket, which, in
war time, they paint with various figures, but parti-
cularly the leaves of trees, in order to deceive their
enemies when in the woods. Their mogganes are made
of deer-skins, and the best sort have them bound
round the edges with little beads and ribbands. On
their legs they wear pieces of blue cloth for stockings,

^ * Wigwams are the names they eive their houses, which are no more than
little huts, made with three or four forked stakes drove into the pjound, and
covered with deer or other skins, or, for want of them, with large leaves
and earth.

some like our soldiers spatterdashes — they reach higher
than their knees, but not lower than their ankles. They
esteem them easy to run in. Breeches they never wear,
but instead thereof two pieces of linen, one before and
another behind. The better sort have shirts of the
finest linen they can get, and to these some wear ruffles;
but these they never put on till they have painted
them of various colours which they get from the pecone
root and bark of trees, and never pull them off to wash,
but wear them till they fall to pieces. They are very
proud, and take great delight in wearing trinkets, such
as silver plates round their wrists and necks, with
several strings of wampum (which is made of cotton,
interwoven with pebbles, cockle-shells, &c.), down to
their breasts ; and from their ears and noses they have
rings or beads which hang dangling an inch or two. The
men have no beards, to prevent which they use certain
instruments and tricks as soon as it begins to grow.
The hair of their heads is managed differently, some
pluck out and destroy all, except a lock hanging from
the crown of the head, which they interweave with
wampum and feathers of various colours. The women
wear it very long twisted down their backs, with beads,
feathers, and wampum, and on their heads most of
them wear little coronets of brass or copper; round
their middle they wear a blanket instead of a petticoat.
The females are very chaste, and constant to their hus-
bands, and if any young maiden should happen to have
a child before marriage, she is never esteemed after-
wards. As for their food they get it chiefly by hunting
and shooting, and boil or roast all the meat they eat.
Their standing dish consists of Indian com soaked,
then bruised and boiled over a gentle fire for ten or
twelve hours. Their bread is likewise made of wild
oats, or sun-flower seeds. Set meals they never regard,
but eat when they are hungry. Their gun, tomahawk.

28

scalping knife, powder and shot, are all they have to
carry with them in time of war — bows and arrows being

Tseldom used by them. They generally in war decline
open engagements ; bush fighting or skulking is their
discipline ; and they are brave when engaged, having
great fortitude in enduring tortures and death. No

^ people have a greater love of liberty or affection to
their neighbours; but are the most implacably vin-
dictive people upon the earth ; for they revenge the
death of any relation, or any great affront, whenever
occasion presents, let the distance of time or place be
never so remote. To all which I may add, and which
the reader has already observed, that they are inhu-
manly cruel But some other nations might be more
happy, if in some instances they copied them, and made
wise conduct^ courage^ and personal strength^ the chief
recommendations for war captains, or werowances^ as
they call them. In times of peace they visit the plan-
tations inhabited by the whites, to whom they sell
baskets, ladles, spoons, and other such trifles, which
they are very expert in making. When night comes^
if admitted into any house, they beg leave to lie down
by the fire-side, choosing that place rather than any
other, which is seldom refused them, if sober, for then
they are honest ; but if drunk, are very dangerous and
troublesome, if people enough are not in the house to
quell them. Nor would they at any time be guilty of
such barbarous depredations as they are, did not those
calling themselves Christians entice them thereto with
strong liquors, which they are vastly fond of, as well
as by the pecuniary rewards which they gave for the
scalps. If ambition cannot be gratified, or superiority
obtained, otherwise than by the death of thousands,
would it not, in those who seek such airy phantoms,
and are so inordinately fond of their fellow creatures'
lives, savour a little more of humanity, to have them

29

killed instantly, and, if they must have proofs of murder,
scalped afterwards, than by allowing and encouraging
such merciless treatment, render themselves as ob-
noxious, cruel, and barbarous, to a humane mind, as
the very savages themselves? However, they some-
times suffer by their plots and chicanery laid for the
destruction of others, it often happening that the traders
or emissaries sent to allure them to the execution of
their schemes, rightly fall victims themselves ; for, as
they always carry with them horse-loads of rum, which
the Indians are fond of, they soon get drunk, quarrel-
some, and wicked, and in their fury often kill and
destroy their tempters : a just reward for their wicked
designs ; nay, it had such an effect on them, that when
so intoxicated, they even burn and consume all their
own effects, beating, wounding, and sometimes killing
their wives and children ; but, in disputes among them
selves, when sober, they are very tenacious of decorum,
never allowing more than one to speak at a time.
Profane swearing they know not in their own language
how to express, but are very fond of the French and
English oaths.

The old people, who are by age and infirmities
rendered incapable of being serviceable to the com-
munity, they put out of the world in a barbarous and
extraordinary manner; an instance of which I had,
whilst among them, an opportunity of seeing practised,
on an old Indian. He being, through age, feeble and
weak, and his eyes failing him, so that he was unable to
get his living either by hunting or shooting, was sum^
moned to appear before several of the leading ones,
who were to be his judges. Before whom being come,
and having nothing to say for himself (as how indeed
could he prove himself young ?) they very formally, and
with a seeming degree of compassion, passed sentence
on him to be put to death. This was soon after

30

executed on him in the following manner : he was tied
naked to a tree, and a boy, who was to be his execu-
tioner, stood ready with a tomahawk in his hands, to
beat his brains out ; but when the young monster came
to inflict the sentence, he was so short of stature that he
could not lift the tomahawk high enough, upon which
he was was held up by some others, a great concourse
being present ; and then, though the young devil laid
on with all his strength, he was not for some time able
to fracture the old man's skull, so that it was near an
hour before he was dead ; thus are they, from their
youth, inured to barbarity! When they found no
remains of life in him, they put him into a hole dug in
the ground for that purpose, in which he stood upright.
Into his left hand they put an old gun, and hung a small
powder-horn and shot-bag about his shoulders, and a
string of wampum round his neck ; and into his right
hand a little silk purse with a bit of money in it ; then
filled the hole round, and covered him over with earth.
This I found to be the usual manner of treating the old
of both sexes ; only that the women are killed by young
girls, and put into the ground with nothing but a ladle
in one hand, and a wooden dish in the other.

They are very strict in punishing offenders, especially
such as commit crimes against any of the royal families.
They never hang any ; but those sentenced to death are
generally bound to a stake, and a great fire made round
them, but not so near as to burn them immediately ;
for they sometimes remain roasting in the middle of
the flames for two or three days before they are dead.

After this long digression, it is time to return to the
detail of my own affairs. At Alamingo was I kept near
two months, until the snow was off the ground. A
long time to be amongst such creatures, and naked
as I almost was ! whatever thoughts I might have of
making my escape, to carry them into execution was

31

impracticable, being so far from any plantations or white
people, and the severe weather rendering my limbs in a
manner quite stiff and motionless : however, I contrived
to defend myself against the inclemency of the weather
as well as I could, by making myself a little wigwam,
with the bark of the trees, covering the same with
earth, which made it resemble a cave ; and to prevent
the iU effects of the cold which penetrated into it, I
was forced to keep a good fire always near the door.
Thus did I for near two months endure such hardships
of cold and hunger as had hitherto been unknown to
me. My liberty of going about was indeed more than
I could have expected, but they well knew the imprac-
ticability of my eloping from them. Seeing me
outwardly easy and submissive, they would sometimes
give me a little meat, but my chief food was Indian
corn, dressed as I have above described. Notwith-
standing such their civility, the time passed so tedious
on, that I almost began to despair of ever regaining
my liberty, or seeing my few relations again ; which,
with the anxiety and pain I suffered, on account of my
dear wife, often gave me inexpressible concern.

At length the time arrived when they were preparing
themselves for another expedition against the planters
and white people ; but before they set out they were
joined by many other Indians from Fort Du Quesne,
well stored with powder and ball they had received
from the French.

As soon as the snow was quite gone, and no traces
of their vile footsteps could be perceived, they set
forward on their journey toward the back parts of the
province of Pennsylvania, leaving their wives and
children behind in their wigwams. They were now a
terrible and formidable body, amounting nearly to 150.
My duty was to carry what they thought proper to
load me with, but they never entrusted me with a

32

gun. We marched on several days without any thing
particular occurring, almost famished for want of
provisions ; for my part I had nothing but a few stalks
of Indian com, which I was glad to eat dry ; nor did
the Indians themselves fare much better, for as we
drew near the plantations they were afraid to kill any
game, lest the noise of their guns should alarm the
inhabitants.

When we again arrived at the Blue Hills, about
thirty miles from Cannocojigge, the Irish settlement
before mentioned, we encamped for three days, though,
God knows, we had neither tents, nor any thing else to
defend us from the inclemency of the air, having
nothing to lie on by night but the grass. Their usual
method of lodging, pitching, or camping by night,
being in parcels of ten or twelve men to a fire, where
they lie upon the grass or bushes, wrapt up in a
blanket, with their feet to the fire.

During our stay here a sort of council of war was
held, when it was agreed to divide themselves into
companies of about twenty men each; after which,
every captain marched with his party where he thought,
proper. I still belonged to my old masters, but was
left behind on the mountains with ten Indians, to
stay until the rest should return; not thinking it
proper to carry me nearer Cannocojigge, or the other
plantations.

Here being left, I began to meditate on my escape ;
and though I knew the country round extremely well,
having been often thereabouts with my companions,
hunting deer and other beasts, yet was I very cautious
of giving the least suspicion of such my intention.
However, the third day after the grand body left us,
my companions or keepers thought proper to visit the
mountains in search of game for their subsistence,
leaving me bound in such a manner, that I could not

33

escape. At night, when they returned, having unbound
me, we all sat down together to supper on two polecats,
being what they had killed, and soon after (being greatly
fatigued with their day^s excursion) they composed
themselves to rest as usual. Observing them to be in
that somniferous state, I tried various ways to see
whether it was a scheme to prove my intentions or
not; but after making a noise and walking about,
sometimes touching them with my feet, I found there
was no fallacy. My heart then exulted with joy at
seeing a time come that I might in all probability be
delivered from my captivity, but the joy was soon
damped by the dread of being discovered by them^ or
taken by any straggling parties. To prevent which, I
resolved, if possible, to get one of their guns, and if
discovered, to die in my defence rather than be taken ;
for that purpose I made various efforts to get one from
under their heads (where they usually secured them)
but in vain. Frustrated in this my first essay regarding
my liberty, I dreaded the thoughts of carrying my
new design into execution ; yet after a little considera-
tion, and trusting myself to the Divine protection,
I set forward, naked and defenceless as I was. A rash
and dangerous enterprise ! Such was my terror,
however, that in going from them I halted and paused
every four or five yards, looking fearfully towards the
spot where I had left them, lest they should awake and
miss me ; but when I was about two hundred yards
from them I mended my pace, and made as much
haste as I could to the foot of the mountains, when on
a sudden I was struck with the greatest terror and
amaze at hearing the wood-cry, as it is called, and may
be expressed Jo hau ! Jo hau ! which the savages I
had left were making, accompanied with the most
hideous cries and howling they could utter. The
bellowing of lions, the shrieks of hyenas, or the roarings

34

of tigers, would have been music to my ears in com-
parison to the sounds that then saluted them. They
having now missed their charge, I concluded that
they would soon separate themselves, and hie in quest
of me. The more my terror increased, the faster did
I push on ; and scarce knowing where I trod, drove
through the woods with the utmost precipitation,
sometimes falling and bruising myself, cutting my feet
and legs against the stones in a miserable manner, but
though faint and maimed, I continued my flight until
break of day, when, without having any thing to
sustain nature but a little corn left, I crept into a
hollow tree, in which I lay very snug, and returned
my prayers and thanks to the Divine Being, that had
thus far favoured my escape. But my repose was in a
few hours destroyed at hearing the voices of savages
near the place where I was hid, threatening and talking
how they would use me if they got me again — that I
was before too sensible of to have the least rest either
in body or mind since I had left them. However, they
at last left the spot where I had heard them, and I
remained in my circular asylum all that day without
further molestation.

At night I ventured forward again, frightened and
trembling at every bush I past, thinking each twig
that touched me to be a savage. The third day I
concealed myself in the like manner, and at night I
travelled on in the same deplorable condition, keeping
off the main road used by the Indians as much as
possible, which made my journey many miles longer,
and more painful and irksome than I can express.
But how shall I describe the fear, terror, and shock
that I felt on the fourth night, when, by the rustling
I made among the leaves, a party of Indians, that lay
round a small fire, which I did not perceive, started
from the ground, and seizing their arms, ran from the

• 35

fire amongst the woods. Whether to move forward or
to rest where I was I knew not, so distracted was my
imagination. In this melancholy state, revolving in
my thoughts the now inevitable fate I thought waited
on me, to my great consternation and joy, I was relieved
by a parcel of swine that made towards the place I
guessed the savages to be, who on seeing the hogs,
conjectured that their alarm had been caused by them,
and very merrily returned to the fire, and lay down to
sleep as before. As soon as I perceived my enemies so
disposed of, with more cautious step and silent tread I
pursued my course, sweating (though winter, and
severely cold) with the fear I had just been relieved
from. Bruised, cut, mangled, and terrified as I was,
I still, through the divine assistance, was enabled to
pursue my journey until break of day, when thinking
myself far off from any of those miscreants I so much
dreaded, I lay down under a great log, and slept
undisturbed till about noon, when getting up, I reached
the summit of a great hill with some difficulty, and
looking out if I could spy any inhabitants of white
people, to my unutterable joy I saw some, which I
guessed to be about ten miles distant.

This pleasure was in some measure abated by my not
being able to get among them that night ; therefore,
when evening approached, I again recommended myself
to the Almighty, and composed my weary mangled
limbs to rest. In the morning, as soon as I awoke, I
continued my journey towards the nearest cleared lands
I had seen the day before, and about four o'clock in the
afternoon arrived at the house of John Bell, an old
acquaintance, where knocking at the door, his wife, who
opened it, seeing me in such a frightful condition, flew
from me like lightning, screaming into the house. This
alarmed the whole family, who immediately fled to their
arms, and I was soon accosted by the master with his

36

gun in his hand. But on my assuring him of my
innocence as to any wicked intentions, and making
myself known (for he before took me to be an Indian),
he immediately caressed me, as did also his family, with
a deal of friendship, at finding me alive, they having
all been informed of my being murdered by the savages
some months before. No longer able to support rtiy
fatigued and worn out spirits, I fainted and fell to the
ground. From which state having recovered me, and
perceiving the weak and famished condition I then was
in, they soon gave me some refreshment, but let me par-
take of it very sparingly, fearing the ill effects too much
would have on me. They for two or three nights very
affectionately supplied me with all necessaries, and
carefully attended me until my spirits and limbs were
pretty well recruited, and I thought myself able to ride,
when I borrowed of these good people (whose kindness
merits my most grateful return) a horse and some
clothes, and set forward for my father-in-law's house in
Chester county, about 140 miles from thence, where
I arrived on the fourth day of January, 1755; but
scarce one of the family could credit their eyes,
believing, with the people I had lately left, that I had
fallen a prey to the Indians.

Great was the joy and satisfaction wherewith I was
received and embraced by the whole family ; but oh,
what was my anguish and trouble, when inquiring for
my dear wife, I found she had been dead near two
months ! This fatal news, as every humane reader must
imagine, greatly lessened the joy and rapture I other-
wise should have felt at my deliverance from the dread-
ful state of captivity I had been in.

The news of my happy arrival at my father-in-law's
house, after so long and strange an absence, was soon
spread round the neighbouring plantations by the
eountry people who continually visited me, being very

37

desirous of hearing and eagerly inquiring an account
of my treatment and manner of living among the
Indians, in all which I satisfied them. Soon after
this my arrival, I was sent for by his excellency Mr.
Morris, the governor, a worthy gentleman, who examined
me very particularly as to all incidents relating to my
captivity, and especially in regard to the Indians, who
had first taken me away, whether they were French or
English parties. I assured his excellency they were of
those who professed themselves to be friends of the for-
mer ; and informed him of the many barbarous and
inhuman actions I had been witness to among them, on
the frontiers of the province ; and also that they were
daily increasing, by others of our pretended friends
joining them ; that they were all well supplied by the
French with arms and ammunition, and greatly
encouraged by them in their continual excursions and
barbarities, not only in having extraordinary premiums
for such scalps as they should take and carry home with
them at their return, but great presents of all kinds,
besides rum, powder, ball, &c., before they sallied forth.
Having satisfied his excellency in such particulars as he
requested, the same being put into writing, I swore to
the contents thereof, as may be seen by those who
doubt of my veracity, in the public papers of that time,
as well in England as in Philadelphia. Having done
with me, Mr. Morris gave me three pounds, and sent
the affidavit to the assembly, who were then sitting in
the State-house at Philadelphia, concluding on proper
measures to check the depredations of the savages, and
put a stop to their barbarous hostilities on the distressed
inhabitants, who daily suffered death in a most deplor-
able condition ; besides being obliged to abscond their
plantations, and the country being left desolate for
several hundred miles on the frontiers, and the poor
sufferers could have no relief, by reason of the disputes

38

between the governor and the assembly. The former
was led by the instructions of the proprietor, which was
entirely against the interest of the province, so that it
caused great confusion among the people to see the
country so destroyed, and no preparations making for
its defence.

However, on receiving this intelligence from his
excellency, they immediately sent for me. When I
arrived, I was conducted into the lower house, where the
assembly then sat, and was there interrogated by the
speaker, very particularly, as to all I had before given
the governor an account of This my first examination
lasted three hours. The next day I underwent a second
for about an hour and a half, when I was courteously
dismissed, with a promise that all proper methods should
be taken, not only to accommodate and reimburse all
those who had suffered by the savages, but to prevent
them from committing the like hostilities for the future.

Now returned, and once more at liberty to pursue
my own inclinations, I was persuaded by my father-in-
law and friends to follow some employment or other ;
but the plantation from whence I was taken, though an
exceeding good one, could not tempt me to settle on it
again. What my fate would have been if I had, may
easily be conceived. And there being at this time (as
the assembly too late for many of us found) a necessity
for raising men to check those barbarians in their ravag-
ing depredations, I enlisted myself as one, with the
greatest alacrity and most determined resolution to
exert the utmost of my power in being revenged on the
hellish authors of my ruin. General Shirley, governor
of New England, and commander-in-chief of his
Majesty's land forces in North America, was pitched
. upon to direct the operations of the war in that part
of the world.

Into a regiment immediately under the command of

39

this general, was it my lot to be placed for three years.
This regiment was intended for the frontiers, to destroy
the forts erected by the French, as soon as it should be
completely furnished with arms, &c., at Boston, in New
England, where it was ordered for that purpose. Being
then very weak and infirm in body, though possessed
of my resolution, it was thought advisable to leave me
for two months in winter quarters, at the end of which,
being pretty well recruited in strength, I set out for
Boston to join the regiment, with some others likewise
left behind ; and after crossing the river Delaware, we
arrived at New Jersey, and from thence proceeded
through the same by New York, Middleton, Mendon
in Connecticut, to Boston, where we arrived about the
end of March, and found the regiment ready to
receive us.

Boston being the capital of New England, and the
largest city in America, except two or three on the
Spanish continent, I shall here subjoin a short account
of it.

DESCRIPTION OF BOSTON.

It is pleasantly stituated, and about four miles in com-
pass, at the bottom of Massachusetts Bay, into which
there is but one common and safe passage, and not very
broad, there being scarce room for the anchorage of 500
sail It is guarded by several rocks, and above a dozen
islands ; the most remarkable of these islands is Castle
Island, which stands about a league from the town, and
so situated that no ship of burden can approach the
town, without the hazard of being shattered in pieces by
its cannon. It is now called Fort William, and mounted
with 100 pieces of ordnance ; 200 more, which were
given to the province by Queen Anne, are placed on a

40

platform, so as to rake a ship fore and aft, before she can
bring about her broadsides to bear against the castle.
Some of these cannon are 42 pounders ; 500 able men
are exempted from all military duty in time of war, to be
ready, at an hour's warning, to attend the services of the
castle, upon a signal of the approach of an enemy, which
there seems to be no great danger of at Boston, where^
in 24 hours time, 10,000 effective men, well armed,
might be ready for its defence. According to a com-
putation of the collectors of the light-house, it appeared
there were 24,000 tons of shipping cleared annually.

The pier is at the bottom of the bay, 2,000 feet long,
and runs so far into the bay, that ships of the greatest
burden may unload without the help of boats or lighters.
At the upper end of the chief street in the town, which
comes down to the head of the pier, is the Town House,
or Exchange, a fine building, containing, besides the
walk for merchants, the Council Chamber, the House
of Commons, and a spacious room for the Courts of
Justice. The Exchange is surrounded with booksellers*
shops that have a good trade — here being five printing-
houses, and the presses generally full of work, which is
in a great measure owing to the colleges and schools in
New England ; and likewise at New York and Phila-
delphia, there are several printing-houses lately erected,
and booksellers constantly employed, as well as at
Virginia, Maryland, South Carolina, Barbadoes, and
the Sugar Islands.

The town lies in the form of a half-moon, round the
harbour, and consisting of about 4,000 houses, must
make an agreeable prospect, the surrounding shore
being high, the streets long, and the buildings beautiful.
The pavement is kept in so good order, that to gallop
a horse on it is 3s. 4d. forfeit. The number of inhabi-
tants is computed at about 24,000.

There are eight churches, the chief of which is called

41

the Church of England church, besides the Baptist
Meeting, and the Quaker Meeting.

The conversation in this town is as polite as in most
of the cities and towns in England. A gentleman of
London would fancy himself at home at Boston, when
he observes the number of people, their furniture, their
tables, and dresses, which perhaps is as splendid and
showy as that of most tradesmen in London.

In this city, learning military discipline, and waiting
for an opportunity of carrying our schemes into execu-
tion, we lay till the ist of July, during all which time
great outrages and devastations were committed by the
savages in the back parts of the province. One instance
of which, in particular, I shall relate, as being concerned
in rewarding, according to desert, the wicked authors
thereof.

Joseph Long, Esq., a gentleman of large fortune in
those parts, who had in his time been a great warrior
among the Indians, and frequently joined in expeditions
with those in our interest, against the others. His
many exploits and great influence among several of the
nations, were too well known to pass unrevenged by
the savages against whom he had exerted his abilities.
Accordingly, in April, 1756, a body of them came down
on his plantation, about 30 miles from Boston, and,
skulking in the woods for some time, at last seized an
opportunity to attack his house, in which, unhappily
proving successful, they scalped, mangled, and cut to
pieces the unfortunate gentleman, his wife, and nine
servants, and then made a general conflagration of his •
houses, barns, cattle, and every thing he possessed,
which, with the mangled bodies, were all consumed in
one blaze. But his more unfortunate son and daughter
were made prisoners, and carried off by them to be
reserved for greater tortures. Alarmed and terrified
at this inhuman butchery, the neighbourhood, as well

42

as the people of Boston, quickly assembled themselves
to think of proper measures to be revenged on these
execrable monsters. Among the first of those who
offered themselves to go against the savages, was James
Crawford, Esq., who was then at Boston, and heard of
this tragedy. He was a young gentleman who had for
some years paid his addresses to Miss Long, and was in
a very little time to have been married to her. Dis-
tracted, raving, and shocked as he was, he lost no time,
but instantly raised loo resolute and bold young
fellows, to go in quest of the villains. As I had been
so long among them, and was pretty well acquainted
with their manners and customs, and particularly their
skulking places in the woods, I was recommended to
him as one proper for his expedition ; he immediately
applied to my officers, and got liberty for me. Never
did I go on any enterprise with half that alacrity and
cheerfulness I now went with this party. My wrongs
and sufferings were too recent in my memory to suffer
me to hesitate a moment in taking an opportunity of
being revenged to the utmost of my power.

Being quickly armed and provided, we hastened
forward for Mr. Long's plantation on the 29th, and
after travelling the most remote and intricate paths
through the woods, arrived there on the 2nd of May,
dubious of our success, and almost despairing of meeting
with the savages, as we had heard or could discover
nothing of them in our march. In the afternoon, some
of our men being sent to the top of a hill to look out
for them, soon perceived a great smoke in a part of the
low grounds. This we immediately and rightly con-
jectured to proceed from a fire made by them. We
accordingly put ourselves into regular order, and
marched forwards, resolving, let their number have
been what it might, to give them battle.

Arriving within a mile of the place, Captain Crawford,

43

whose anxiety and pain made hini quicker sighted than
any of the rest, soon perceived them, and guessed their
number to be about 50. Upon this we halted, and
secreted ourselves as well as we could, till twelve
o'clock at night. At which time, supposing them to
be at rest, we divided our men into two divisions, 50
in each, and marched on ; when coming within twenty
yards of them, the captain fired his gun, which was
immediately followed by both divisions in succession,
who, instantly rushing on them with bayonets fixed,
killed every man of them.

Great as our joy was, and flushed with success as we
were at this sudden victory, no heart among us but was
ready to burst at the sight of the young lady. What
must the thoughts, torments, and senstations of our
brave captain then be, if even we, who knew her not,
were so sensibly affected ! For oh ! what breast, though
of the brutal savage race we had just destroyed, could,
without feeling the most exquisite grief and pain,
behold in such infernal power, a lady in the bloom of
youth, blest with every female accomplishment that
could set off the most exquisite beauty ! Beauty which
rendered her the envy of her own sex and the delight
of ours, enduring the severity of a windy, rainy night !
Behold one nurtured in the most tender manner, and
by the most indulgent parents, quite naked, and in the
open woods, encircling with her alabaster arms and
hands a cold rough tree, whereto she was bound, with
cords so straitly pulled that the blood trickled from
her finger ends ! Her lovely tender body, and delicate
limbs, cut, bruised, and torn with stones and boughs
of trees, as she had been dragged along, and all
besmeared with blood ! What heart can even now,
unmoved, think of her distress, in such a deplorable
condition, having no creature, with the least sensation
of humanity, near to succour or relieve her, or even pity

44

or regard her flowing tears, and lamentable wailings !
The very remembrance of the sight has, at this
instant, such an effect on me that I almost want
words to go on. Such then was the condition in which
we found this wretched fair, both faint and speechless
with the shock our firing had given her tender frame.
The captain, for a long time, could do nothing but
gaze upon and clasp her to his bosom, crying, raving, and
tearing his hair like one bereft of his senses ; nor did
he for some time perceive the lifeless condition she was
in, until one of the men had untied her lovely mangled
arms, and she fell to the ground. Finding among the
villains' plunder the unhappy lady's clothes, he gently
put some of them about her ; and after various trials,
and much time spent, recovered her dissipated spirits,
the repossession of which she first manifested by eagerly
fixing her eyes on her dear deliverer, and, smiling with
the most complacent joy, blessed the Almighty and him
for her miraculous deliverance.

During this pleasing, painful interview, our men
were busily employed in cutting, hacking, and scalping
the dead Indians ; and so desirous was every man to
have a share in wreaking his revenge on them, that
disputes happened among ourselves, who should be the
instruments of further shewing it on their lifeless trunks,
there not being enough for every man to have one
wherewith to satiate himself. The captain observing
the animosity between us on this occasion, ordered that
the two divisions should cast lots for this bloody, though
agreeable piece of work, which, being accordingly done,
the party whose lot it was to be excluded from this
business stood by with half-pleased countenances,
looking on the rest, who, with the utmost cheerfulness
and activity, pursued their revenge, in scalping and
otherwise treating their dead bodies as the most
inveterate hatred and detestation could suggest.

45

The work being done, we thought of steering home-
wards triumphant with the scalps ; but how to get the
lady forward, who was in such a condition as rendered
her incapable of walking further, gave us some pain,
and retarded us a little, until we made a sort of carriage
to seat her on, and then, with the greatest readiness,
we took our turns, four at a time, and carried her along.
This, in some measure, made the captain cheerful, who
all the way endeavoured to comfort and revive his
desponding afflicted mistress ; but, alas ! in vain, for
the miseries she had lately felt, and the terrible fate of
her poor brother, of whom I doubt not but the tender-
hearted reader is anxious to hear, rendered even her
most pleasing thoughts, notwithstanding his soothing
words, corroding and insufferable.

The account she gave of their disastrous fate and
dire catastrophe, besides what I have already mentioned,
was, that the savages had no sooner seen all consumed,
but they hurried off with her and her brother, pushing,
and sometimes dragging them on, for four or five miles,
when they stopt, and stripping her naked, treated her
in a shocking manner, whilst others were stripping and
cruelly whipping her unhappy brother. After which,
they, in the same manner, pursued their journey,
regardless of the tears, prayers, or entreaties of this
wretched pair; but with the most infernal pleasure
laughed and rejoiced at the calamities and distresses
they had brought them to, and saw them suffer, until
they arrived at the place we found them, where they
had that day butchered her beloved brother in the
following execrable and cruel manner: they first scalped
him alive, aad after mocking his agonizing groans and
torments for some hours, ripped open his belly, into
which they put splinters and chips of pine trees, and
set fire thereto, the same (on account of the turpentine
wherewith these trees abound) burnt with great quick-

46

ness and fury for a little time, during which, he
remained in a manner alive, as she could sometimes
perceive him move his head and groan. They then
piled a great quantity of wood all around his body, and
consumed it to ashes.

Thus did these barbarians put an end to the being of
this unhappy young gentleman, who was only twenty-
two years of age when he met his calamitous fate. She
continued her relation by acquainting us that the next
day was to have seen her perish in the like manner,
after suffering worse than even such a terrible death,
the satisying these diabolical miscreants in their brutal
lust. But it pleased the Almighty to permit us to
rescue her, and entirely to extirpate this crew of devils !

Marching easily on her account, we returned to the
captain's plantation on the 6th of May, where, as well
as at Boston, we were joyfully received, and rewarded
handsomely for the scalps of those savages we had
brought with us. Mr. Crawford and Miss Long were
soon after married, and, in gratitude for the services
we had done them, the whole party was invited to
the wedding, and nobly entertained ; but no riotous or
noisy mirth was allowed, the young lady, we may well
imagine, being still under great affliction, and in a weak
state of health.

Nothing further material, that I now remember
happened during my stay at Boston. To proceed there-
fore, with the continuation of our intended expedition.

On the I St of July, the regiment began their march
for Oswego. The 21st we arrived at Albany, in New
York, through Cambridge, Northampton, and Hadfield,
in New England. From thence, marching about 20
miles farther, we encamped near the mouth of the
Mohawk river, by a town called Schenectady, not far
from the Endless Mountains. Here did we lie some
time, until batteaux (a sort of fiat-bottomed boats, very

47

small, and sharp at both ends) could be got to carry
our stores and provisions to Oswego, each of which
would contain about six barrels of pork, or in proportion
thereto. Two men belonged to every batteaux, who
made use of strong scutting poles, with iron at the ends,
to prevent their being too soon destroyed by the stones
in the river (one of the sources of the Ohio), which
abounded with many, and large ones, and in some places
was so shallow, that the men weie forced to wade and
drag their batteaux aifter them. Which, together with
some cataracts, or great falls of water, rendered this
duty very hard and fatiguing, not being able to travel
more than seven or eight English miles a-day, until they
came to the great carrying place, at Wood's Creek,
where the provisions and batteaux were taken out, and
carried about four miles to Allegany, or Ohio great
river, that runs quite to Oswego, to which place General
Shirley got with part of the forces on the 8th of August ;
but Colonel Mercer with the remainder did not arrive
until the 31st. Here we found Colonel Schuyler with
his regiment of New Jersey provincials, who had arrived
some time before. A short description of a place which
has afforded so much occasion for animadversion, may
not here be altogether disagreeable to those unac-
quainted with our settlements in that part of the world.

DESCRIPTION OF OSWEGO.

Oswego is situated in N. lat 43 deg. 20 min., near the
mouth of the river Onondago, on the south side of the
lake Ontario, or Cataraque. There was generally a fort
and constant garrison of regular troops kept before our
arrival. In the proper seasons a fair for the Indian
trade is kept here : Indians of about twenty different
nations have been observed here at a time. The greatest
part of the trade between Canada and the Indians of the

48

Great Lakes, and some parts of the Mississippi, pass near
this fort — the nearest and safest way of carrying goods
upon this lake being along the south side of it. The
distance from Albany to Oswego fort is about 300 miles
west, to render which march more comfortable, we met
with many good farms and settlements by the way.
The Outawaes, a great and powerful nation, living upon
the Outawae river, which joins the Cataraque river (the
outlet of the great lake), deal considerably with the
New York trading houses here.

The different nations trading to Oswego are dis-
tinguishable by the variety and different fashions of their
canoes ; the very remote Indians are clothed in skins
of various sorts, and have all fire-arms ; some come so
far north as Port Nelson in Hudson's Bay N. lat. 57
deg. ; and some from the Cherokees west of South
Carolina, in N. lat. 32 deg. This seems indeed to be
a vast extent of inland water carriage, but it is only for
canoes and the smallest of craft

Nor will it in this place be improper to give some
accounts of our friends in these parts, whom we call the
Mohawks, viz., the Iroquois, commonly called the
Mohawks, the Oneiades, the Onendagues, the Cayu-
gaes, and the Senekaes. In all accounts they are called
the Six Nations of the New York Friendly Indians; the
Tuscaroroes, stragglers from the old Turcaroroes of
North Carolina, lately are reckoned as the sixth. I
shall here reckon them as I have been informed they
were formerly, (i). The Mohawks : they live upon
the Mohawk's or Schenectady river, and head or lie
north of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and
some part of Virginia; having a castle or village,
westward from Albany 40 miles, and another 65 miles
west, and about 160 fencible men. (2). The Oneiades,
about 80 miles from the Mohawks' second village,
consisting of about 200 fighting men. (3). The Onon-

49

dagues, about 25 miles farther (the famous Oswego, a
trading place on the lake Ontario, is in their country),
consisting of about 250 men. (4). The Cayugaes, about
70 miles farther, of about 130 men; and, (5), the
Senekaes, who reach a great way down the river
Susquehana, consist of about 700 marching, fighting
men, so that the fighting men of the five or six nations
of Mohawks may be reckoned at 1500 men, and extend
from Albany, west, 400 miles, lying in about 30 tribes
or governments. Besides these, there is settled above
Montreal, which lies N. E. of Oswego, a tribe of scoun-
drels, runaways from the Mohawks — they are called
Kahnuages, consisting of about 80 men. This short
account of these nations I think necessary to make the
English reader acquainted with, as I may have occasion
to mention things concerning some of them.

It may not be improper here also, to give a succinct
detail of the education, manners, religion, &c., of the
natives. The Indians are born tolerably white ; but
they take a great deal of pains to darken their complexion
by anointing themselves with grease, and lying in the
sun. Their features are good, especially those of the
women. Their limbs clean, straight, and well propor-
tioned, and a crooked and deformed person is a great
rarity amongst them. They are very ingenious in
their way, being neither so ignorant nor so innocent
as some people imagine. On the contrary, a very
understanding generation are they, quick of apprehen-
sion, sudden in despatch, subtle in their dealings,
exquisite in their inventions, and in labour assiduous.
The world has no better marksmen with guns, or bows
and arrows, than the natives, who can kill birds flying,
fishes swimming, and wild beasts running ; nay, with
such prodigious force do they discharge their arrows,
that one of them will shoot a man quite through, and
nail both his arms to his body with the same arrow.

so

As to their religion, in order to reconcile the different
accounts exhibited by travellers, we must suppose that
different tribes may have different notions and different
rites, and though I do not think myself capable of
determining the case with the precision and accuracy
I could wish, yet, with what I have collected from my
own observation when among them, and the information
of my brother captives, who have been longer conver-
sant with the Indians than I was, I shall readily give
the public all the satisfaction I can.

Some assure us the Indians worship the images of
some inferior deities, whose anger they seem to dread,
on which account the generality of our travellers
denominate the objects of their devotion devils, though
at the same time, it is allowed, they pray to their
inferior deities for success in all their undertakings,
for plenty of food, and other necessaries of life It
appears too, that they acknowledge one Supreme Being;
but him they adore not, because they believe he is too
far exalted above them, and too happy in himself, to be
concerned about the trifling affairs of poor mortals.
They seem also to believe in a future state, and that
after death, they will be removed to their friends who
have gone before them, to an Elysium or Paradise
beyond the Western Mountains. Others again, allow
them either no religion at all, or at most, very faint
ideas of a deity ; but all agree that they are extrava-
gantly superstitious, and exceedingly afraid of evil spirits.
To these demons they make oblations every new moon,
for the space of seven days, during which time they
cast lots, and sacrifice one of themselves, putting the
person devoted to the most exquisite misery they can
invent, in order to satisfy the devil for that moon, for
they think, if they please but the evil spirit, God will
do them no hurt.

Certain, however, it is, that those Indians whom the

51

French priests have had an opportunity of ministering
unto, are induced to believe "That the Son of God
came into the world to save all mankind, and destroy
all evil spirits that now trouble them ; that the English
have killed him ; and that ever since, the evil spirits
are permitted to walk on the earth, that if the English
were all destroyed, the Son of the Good Man, who is
God, would come again, and banish all evil spirits from
their lands, and then they would have nothing to fear
or disturb them." Cajoled by these false but artful
insinuations of the French Jesuits, the Indians from
that time have endeavoured to massacre all the English,
in order that the Son of God might come again on the
earth, and rid them from their slavish fears and terrible
apprehensions, by exterminating the objects thereof

Being now at Oswego, the principal object that gave
at that time any concern to the Americans, I shall,
before I continue my own account, give a short recital
of what had been done in these parts, in regard to the
defence and preservation of the fort and the colonies
thereabouts, before I came upon such authorities as I
got from those who had been long at Oswego, and I
can well depend upon for truth.

General Shirley, in 1754, having erected two new
forts on the river Onondago, it seemed probable that
he intended to winter at Oswego with his whole army,
that he might the more readily proceed to action the
ensuing spring. What produced his inactivity after-
wards, and how it was that Fort Oswego was not taken
by the French in the spring of 1755, ^^e things my
penetration will not enable me to discuss. But Oswego
is now lost, and would have been so in the spring of
1755, if more important affairs had not made the French
neglect it. At this time the garrison of Oswego con-
sisted only of 100 men, under Captain King. The old
fort being their only protection, which mounted only

52

eight four-pounders, was incapable of defence, because
it was commanded by an eminence directly across a
narrow river, the banks of which were covered with
thick wood

In May, 1755, Oswego being in this condition, and
thus garrisoned, thirty French batteaux were seen to
pass, and two days after eleven more ; each batteau
(being much larger than ours) containing fifteen men ;
so this fleet consisted of near 600 men, a force which,
with a single mortar, might soon have taken possession
of the place.

A resolution was now taken to make the fort larger,
and erect some new ones ; to build vessels upon the
lake ; to increase the garrison; and provide every thing
necessary to annoy the enemy, so as they may render
the place tenable. Captain Broad street arriving on the •
27th of May at the fort, with two companies, some small
swivel guns, and the first parcel of workmen, made some
imagine that a stop would be put to the French in their
carrying men in the sight of the garrison — yet they still
permitted eleven more French batteaux to pass by,
though we were then superior to them in these boats,
or at least in number. The reason our forces could not
attack them was, because they were four miles in the
offing, on board large vessels, in which the soldiers
could stand to fire without being overset; and our
batteaux, in which we must have attacked them, were
so small, that they would contain only six men each,
and so critical, that the inadvertent motion of one man
would overset them. No care, however, was taken to
provide larger boats against another emergency of the
same kind. At Oswego, indeed, it was impracticable
for want of iron work ; such being the provident fore-
cast of those who had the management of affairs, that
though there were smiths enough, yet there was at this
place but one pair of bellows, so that the first accident

53

that should happen to that necessary instrument would
stop all the operations of the forge at once.

The beginning of June, the ship-carpenters arrived
from Boston, and on the 28th of the same month the
first vessel we ever had on the Lake Ontario was
launched and fitted out She was a schooner, forty feet
in the keel, had fourteen oars, and twelve swivel guns.
This vessel, and 320 men, was all the force we had at
Oswego the beginning of July, and was victualled at
the expense of the province of New York. Happy
indeed it was that the colony provisions were there, for
so little care had been taken to get the king's provisions
sent up, that, when we arrived, we must have perished
with famine, had not we found a supply which we had
little reason to expect.

About the middle of July, an attack was again
expected, when we (the forces under General Shirley)
were still near 300 miles distant. And if the attack
had been made with the force the enemy was known to
have had at hand, it must, for the reason I have just
before given, have fallen into their possession.

Such was the state of Oswego when we arrived there.
Where we had been but a short time before, provisions
began to be very scarce, and the king's allowance being
still delayed, the provincial stores were soon exhausted,
and we were in danger of being soon famished, being
on less than half allowance. The men being likewise
worn out and fatigued with the long march they had
suffered, and being without rum (or allowed none at
least), and other proper nutriment, many fell sick of the
flux, and died, so that our regiment was greatly reduced
in six weeks' time. A party that we left at the impor-
tant carrying place, at Wood's Creek, were absolutely
obliged to desert it for want of necessaries.

Sickness, death, and desertion had at length so far
reduced us, that we had scarce men enough to perform

54

duty, and protect those that were daily at work. The
Indians keeping a strict look-out, rendered every one
who passed the out-guards or sentinels, in danger of
being scalped or murdered. To prevent consequences
like these, a captain's guard of sixteen men, with two
lieutenants, two Serjeants, two corporals, and one drum,
besides two flank guards of a serjeant, corporal, and
twelve men in each, were daily mounted, and did duty
as well as they were able. Scouting parties were like-
wise sent out every day ; but the sickness still con-
tinuing, and having 300 men at work, we were obliged
to lessen our guards, till General PepperelPs regiment
joined us.

A little diligence being now made use of, about the
middle of September four other vessels were got ready,
viz., a decked sloop of eight guns, four-pounders, and
thirty swivels ; a decked schooner, eight guns, four-
pounders, and twenty-eight swivels; one undecked
schooner of fourteen swivels, and fourteen oars ; and
another of twelve swivels and fourteen oars — about
150 tons each.

On the 24th of October, with this armament, and a
considerable number of batteaux, which were too small
to live upon the lake in moderate weather, we were
preparing to attack Niagara ; though (notwithstanding
we had taken all the provisions we could find in Oswego,
and had left the garrison behind with scarce enough
for three days) the fleet had not provisions sufficient
on board to carry them within sight of the enemy, and
supplies were not to be got within 300 miles of the
place we were going against. However, the impractica-
bility of succeeding in an expedition undertaken without
victuals, was discovered in time enough to prevent our
march or embarkation, or whatever it might be called ;
but not before nine batteaux, laden with officers'
baggage were sent forward, four men in each batteau,

55

in one of which it was my lot to be. The men being
weak, and in low spirits with continual harassing and
low feeding, rendered our progress very tedious and
difficult — add to this the places we had to ascend, for
in many parts the cataracts or falls of water which
descended near the head of the river Onondago (in some
places near loo feet perpendicular), rendered it almost
impossible for us to proceed — for the current running
from the bottom was so rapid, that the efforts of twenty
or thirty men were sometimes required to drag the
boats along, and especially to get them up the hills or
cataracts, which we were forced to do with ropes.
Sometimes, when with great labour and difficulty we
had got them up, we carried them by land near a
quarter of a mile before we came to any water. In
short, we found four men to a batteau were insufficient,
for the men belonging to one batteau were so fatigued
and worn out that they could not manage her, so that
she lay behind almost a league.

The captain that was with us observing this, as soon
as we had got the others over the most difficult falls,
ordered two besides myself to go and help her forward.
Accordingly I got into her, in order to steer her, whilst
my two comrades and her own crew dragged her along.
When we got her into any cataracts, I remained in
her to fasten the ropes and keep all safe whilst they
hauled her up ; but drawing her to the summit of the
last cataract the ropes gave way, and down she fell into
a very rapid and boisterous stream, where, not being
able by myself to work her, she stove to pieces on a small
rock, on which some part of her remaining till morning,
I miraculously saved myself. Never was my life in
greater danger than in this situation, the night being
quite dark, and no assistance to be obtained from any of
my comrades, though, many of them, as I afterwards
learned, made diligent search for me ; but the fall of

56

the water rendered the noise that they, as well as
myself made, to be heard by one another, quite
ineffectual.

In the morning, they, indeed, found me, but in a
wretched condition, quite benumbed, and almost dead
with cold, having nothing on but my shirt.

After various efforts, having with great difficulty got
me up, they used all proper means to recover my worn
out spirits ; but the fire had a fatal effect to what they
intended, for my flesh swelled all over my body and
limbs, and caused such a deprivation of my senses, that
I fainted, and was thought by all to be dead. However,
after some time, they pretty well recovered my scattered
senses, and fatigued body, and with proper care con-
ducted me, with some others (who were weak and ill
of the flux), to Albany, where the hospital received our
poor debilitated bodies.

The rest, not able to proceed, or being counter-
manded, bent their course back again to Oswego, where,
a friendly storm preventing an embarkation, when a
stock of provisions was got together (sufficient to
prevent them from eating one another, during the first
twelve days), all thoughts of attacking Niagara were
laid aside.

Thus ended this formidable campaign. The vessels
that we had built (as I afterwards learned) were
unrigged and laid up, without having been put to any
use, while a French vessel was cruising on the lake,
and carrying supplies to Niagara without interruption —
five others, as large as ours, being almost ready to
launch at Frontenac, which lies across Lake Ontario,
north of Oswego.

The General, whatever appearances might have led
others, as well as myself, to think otherwise, soon indi-
cated his intention of not wintering at Oswego, for
he left the place before the additional works were

57

completed, and the garrison, by insensible degrees,
decreased. The iioo men still living in perpetual
terror, on the brink of famine, and become mutinous
for want of their pay, which, in the hurry of milUary
business^ during a year that was crowned with great
events, had been forgotten, for, from my first enlisting,
to the time I was laid up at Albany, I never had
received above six weeks pay.

A little, indeed, may be offered in vindication of the
General, in regard to the numberless delays of this
campaign, viz., that it took some time to raise the two
regiments which were in British pay, as the name of
enlisting for life is somewhat forbidding to the Americans
(a few of whom, as well as myself, made our agreement
for three years ; but soon after that time, I doubt we
must have depended on his pleasure for our being
discharged, according to our contract, had it not fallen
out otherwise). The unusual dryness of the summer
rendered the rivers down to Oswego in some places
impassable, or very difficult for the batteaux to proceed;
and it was whispered that a gentleman lately in an
eminent station in New York, did all in his power to
hinder the undertaking, from a pique at the General
By these disadvantages, he was detained at Albany till
August, and even when he did reach Oswego, he
found himself put to no little difficulty to maintain his
ground for want of provisions, and the men being so
reduced, more than once, to short allowance, as you
have seen, became troubled with the flux, and had not
anything necessary, not even rum sufficient for the
common men, to prevent the fatal effects of that
disorder.

In this manner the summer was spent on our side,
and the reason why the French did not this year take
Oswego, when they might with so little trouble, was, as
many beside myself conjectured, that they thought it

S8

more their interest to pursue their projects on the Ohio,
and preserve the friendship of the confidential Indians,
which an attack upon Oswego at that time would have
destroyed.

How far they succeeded in such their projects, and
the reason of their successes, a little animadversion on
our own transactions will let us into the light of it
For, as appearances on our side were very favourable in
the spring. General Braddock's defeat greatly increased
the gloom which sat on the countenances of the
Americans.

Great things being expected from him, he arrived early
in the spring at Virginia, with a considerable land force,
and Fort Du Quesne seemed to be ours, if we did but go
and demand it. The attacks designed against Niagara
and Fort Frederick, at Crown Point, were planned in
the winter, and the troops employed against the
French in Nova Scotia, embarked at Boston in April.
Let us view the events besides those already mentioned.
General Braddock was ready to march in April ; but,
through ignorance or neglect, or a misunderstanding with
the governor of Virginia, had neither fresh provisions,
horses, nor waggons provided, and so late as the latter
end of May, it was necessary to apply to Pennsylvania
for the most part of these. This neglect created a most
pernicious diffidence and discredit of the Americans,
in the mind of the General, and prevented their useful-
ness, where their advice was wanted, and produced very
bad effects. He was a man (as it is now too well known
and believed) by no means quick of apprehension, and
could not conceive that such a people could instruct
him ; and his young counsellors prejudiced him still
more, so as to slight his officers, and what was worse,
his enemy, as it was treated as an absurdity to suppose
the Indians would ever attack regulars, and, of course,
no care was taken to instruct the men to resist their

59

peculiar manner of fighting. Had this circumstance
been attended to, I am fully persuaded 400 Indians,
about the number that defeated him, would have given
him very little annoyance; sure I am, 400 of our people,
rightly managed, would have made no difficulty of
driving before them four times that handful, to whom
he owed his defeat and death.

The undertaking of the eastern provinces, to reduce
the fort at Crown Point, met that fate which the jarring
councils of a divided people commonly meet with, for,
though the plan was concerted in the winter of 1754,
it was August before these petty governments could
bring together their troops. In short, it must be owned
by all, that delays were the banes of our undertakings,
except in the Bay of Fundy in Nova Scotia, where
secrecy and expedition were rewarded with success,
and that province reduced.

The General continued inactive, from the time he left
Oswego, to March, 1756, when he was about to resume
the execution of his scheme to attack Frontenac and
Niagara. What would have been the issue of this pro-
ject, neither myself nor any other person can now
pretend to say, for, just at this crisis, he received orders
from England to attempt nothing till Lord Loudon
should arrive, which was said should be early in the
spring. However, his Lordship did not get there until
the middle of July, so that by this delay time was given
to the Marquis de Montcalm (Major-General Dieskan's
successor) to arrive from France at Canada with 3000
regular forces, and take the field before us.

But to return from this digression to other transac-
tions. When I was pretty well recovered again, I
embarked on board a vessel from Albany for New York,
where, when I arrived, I found to my sorrow. Captain
John Shirley, the General's son, had been dead for some
time. He was a very promising worthy young gentle-

6o

man, and universally regretted His company was
given to Major James Kinnair, who ordered that none
of his men should go out on the recruiting parties, as
was at first intended by his predecessor ; but that the
private men should either return to Oswego, or do duty
in the fort at New York. Not liking my station here,
I entreated the General, who was now arrived, for a
furlough, to see my friends at Pennsylvania, which he,
having then no great occasion for me at New York,
granted for three months.

As I have here mentioned New York, and before
given a short account of the cities of Philadelphia and
Boston, it would be a disrespect shown to this elegant
one not to take notice of it, as well as, in some
measure, debarring the reader from such information
as may not be disagreeable; but not being of that
note or consequence with the others, I shall briefly
observe that

NEW YORK

Is a very fine city, and the capital of the province of
that name. It contains about 3000 houses, and near
9000 inhabitants. The houses are all well built, and
the meanest of them said to be worth ;£^ioo sterling,
which cannot be said of the city of the same name, nor
of any other in England. Their conversation is polite,
and their furniture, dress, and manner of living, quite
elegant. In drinking and gallantry they exceed any
city in America.

The great church is a very handsome edifice, and
built in 1695. Here is also a Dutch church, a French
church, and a Lutheran church. The inhabitants of
Dutch extraction make a considerable part of the town,
and most of them speak English.

Having obtained my furlough, I immediately set out

6i

for Pennsylvania, and arriving at Philadelphia, found the
consternation and terror of the inhabitants was greatly
increased to what it was when I left them. They had
made several treaties of friendship with the Indians,
who, when well supplied with arms, ammunition, clothes,
and other necessaries, through the pacific measures and
defenceless state of the Philadelphians, soon revolted
to the French, and committed great ravages on the
back parts of the province, destroying and massacring
men, women, and children, and every thing that
unhappily lay in their way.

A few instances of which, together with the behaviour
of the Philadelphians on these occasions, I shall here
present the reader with, who, of whatever sect or
profession, I am well assured, must condemn the pacific
disposition, and private factions that then reigned, not
only in the army, but among the magistrates themselves,
who were a long time before they could agree on proper
petitions, to rouse the assembly from the lethargic and
inactive condition they absolutely remained in. For,
about the middle of October, a large body of Indians,
chiefly Shawonoese, Delawares, &c, fell upon this
province from several quarters, almost at the same
instant, murdering, burning, and laying waste all where-
ever they came — so that in the five counties of
Cumberland, York, Lancaster, Berks, and Northamp-
ton, which compose more than half the province,
nothing but scenes of destruction and desolation were
to be seen.

The damages which these counties had sustained by
the desertion of plantations, is not to be reckoned up,
nor are the miseries of the poor inhabitants to be
described, many of whom, though escaping with life,
were, without a moment's warning, driven from these
habitations, where they enjoyed every necessary of life,
and were then exposed to all the severity of a hard

62

winter, and obliged to solicit their very bread at the
cold hand of charity, or perish with hunger, under the
inclement air.

To these barbarities I have already mentioned, I
cannot pass over the following, as introductory causes
of the Philadelphians at last withstanding the outrages
of the barbarians.

At Guadenhutten, a small Moravian settlement in
Northampton county, the poor unhappy sufferers were
sitting round their peaceful supper, when the inhuman
murderers, muffled in the shades of the night, dark
and horrid as the infernal purposes of their diabolical
souls, stole upon them, butchered, scalped them,
and consumed their bodies, together with their
horses, stock, and upwards of sixty head of fat cattle
(intended for the subsistence of the brethren at
Bethlehem), all in one general flame, so that next
morning furnished only a melancholy spectacle of
their mingled ashes.

At the Great Cove in Cumberland, at Tulpehockin,
in Berks, and in several other places, their barbarities
were stilll greater if possible. Men, women, children,
and brute beasts shared one common destruction ; and
where they were not burned to ashes, their mangled
limbs were found promiscuously thrown upon the
ground — those appertaining to the human form scarce
to be distinguished from the brute !

But of all the instances of the barbarities I heard of
in these parts, I could not help being most affected
with the following : — One family, consisting of the hus-
band, his wife, and a child only a few hours old, were
all found murdered and scalped in this manner : the
mother, stretched on the bed, with her new-born child
liorribly mangled and put under her head for a pillow,
while the husband lay on the ground hard by, with his
belly ript up, and his bowels laid cpen.

63

In another place, a woman, with her sucking child,
finding that she had fallen into the hands of the enemy,
fell flat on her face, prompted by the strong call of
nature to cover and shelter her innocent child with her
own body. The accursed savage rushed from his
lurking place, struck her on the head with his tomahawk,
tore off her scalp, and scoured back into the woods,
without observing the child, being apprehensive that
he was discovered. The child was found some time
afterwards under the body of its mother, and was
then alive.

Many of their young women were carried by the
savages into captivity, reserved perhaps for a worse fate
than those who suffered death in all its horrid shapes,
and no wonder, since they were reserved by savages
whose tender mercies might be counted more cruel
than their very cruelty itself.

Yet even during all this time, this province (had
things been properly ordered) need but, in comparison
to her strength, have lifted her foot and crushed all
the French force on the borders ; but unused to such
undertakings, and bound by non-resisting principles
from exerting her strength, and involved in disputes
with the proprietors, they stood still, vainly hoping the
French would be so moderate as to be content with
their victory over Braddock, or at least confine their
attacks to Virginia ; but they then saw and felt all this
was delusion, and the barbarities of the Indian parties,
headed by French officers, notwithstanding all which,
they continued in domestic debates, without a soldier
in pay, or a penny in the treasury. In short, if the
enemy had then had but 1500 men at the Ohio, and
would have attempted it, no rashness could have
been perceived in their marching down to the city of
Philadelphia.

Thus stood our affairs on the Ohio, when an old

64

captain of the warriors, in the interest of the Phila-
delphians, and their ever faithful friend, whose name
was Scarooyada, alias Manokatoathy, on the first
notice of these misfortunes, came hastening to Phila-
delphia, together with Colonel Weiser, the provincial
interpreter, and two other Indian chiefs. Scarooyada
immediately demanded an audience of the assembly,
who were then sitting, to whom he spoke in a very
affecting manner. His speeches being printed, and
sold about Philadelphia, I procured one of them, which
was as follows —

" Brethren,

"We are once more come among you, and sincerelv condole with
you on account of the late bloodshed, and the awful cloud that hangs over
you and over us. Brethren, you may be undoubtedly assured, that these
horrid actions were committed by none of those nations that have any fellow-
ship with us, but by certain false-hearted and treacherous brethren. It grieves
us more than all our other misfortunes, that any of our good friends the
Enjflish should suspect us of having false hearts.

" If you were not an infatuated people, we are 300 warriors firm to your
interest, and if you are so unjust to us as to retain any doubts of our sincerity,
we offer to put our wives, our children,^ and all we have into your hands, to
deal with them as seemeth good to you, if we are found in the least to swerve
from you. But, brethren, you must supi>ort and assist us, for we are not
able to fight alone against the powerful nations who are coming against you,
and you must this moment resolve, and give us an explicit answer what you
will do, for these nations have sent to desire us, as old friends, either to join
them, or get out of their way, and shift for ourselves. Alas ! brethren, we
are sorry to leave you ! We remember the many tokens of your friendship
to us ; but what shall we do? We cannot stand alone, and you will not stand
with us ! _ _

•* The time is precious. While we are here consulting with you, we know
not what may be the fate of our brethren at home. We do, therefore, once
more invite and request you to act like men, and be no longer as women,
pursuing weak measures that render your names despicable. If you will put
the hatchet into your hands, and send out a number of your young men, in
conjunction with our warriors, and provide the necessary arms, ammunition,
and provisions, and likewise build some strong houses for the protection 01
our old men, women, and children, while we are absent in war, we shall soon
wii;)e the tears from your eyes, and make these false-hearted brethren repent
their treachery and baseness towards you and towards us.

" But we must at the same time solemnly assure you, that if you delav
any longer to act in conjunction with us, or think to put us oflF, as usual, with
uncertam hopes, you must not expect to see our faces under this roof any
more. We must shift for our own safety, and leave you to the mercy of omr ene-
mies, as an infatuated people, upon whom we can have no longer dependence."

The tears stood in the old man's eyes, while he
delivered this last part, and no wonder, since the very

6s

being of his nation depended upon their joining the
enemy, or our enabling them immediately to make
head against them.

It was some time, however, before the assembly
could be brought to consent to any vigorous measures
for their own defence. The black inhabitants lost all
patience at their conduct, until, at length, the Governor
exerted his utmost power, and procured the militia and
money bills to pass. By virtue of the former, the free-
men of the province were enabled to form themselves
into companies, and each company, by a majority of
votes, by way of ballot, to choose its own officers, viz.,
a captain, lieutenant, and ensign, who, if approved of,
were to be commissioned by the Governor. So that
the Philadelphians were, at last, permitted to raise and
arm themselves in their own defence. They accordingly
formed themselves into companies, the Governor sign-
ing to all gentlemen qualified, who had been regularly
balloted, commissions for that purpose.

Captain Davis was one of the first who had a com-
pany, and being desirous of my service, in order to
instruct the irregulars in their discipline, obtained from
the Governor a certificate to indemnify me from any
punishment which might be adjudged by the regiment
to which I already belonged, for without that I had
not gone. Our company, which consisted of loo men,
was not completed until the 24th of December, 1755,
when, losing no time, we next morning marched from
Philadelphia in high spirits, resolving to shew as little
quarter to the savages as they had to many of us.

Colonel Armstrong had been more expeditious, for
he had raised 280 provincial irregulars, and marched a
little time before against the Ohio Moravians; but of
him more hereafter.

We arrived on the 26th of December at Bethlehem,
in the forks of the river Delaware, where, being kindly

66

received by the Moravians, we loaded six waggons with
provisions, and proceeded on to the Apalachian Moun-
tains, or Blue Hills, to a town called Kennorton-head,
which the Moravians had deserted on account of the
Indians. Fifty of our men, of whom I made one, were
ordered before the rest, to see whether the town was
destroyed or not. Disposing them to the best advan-
tage, we marched on till we came within five miles of
the place, which we found standing entire.

Having a very uneven rugged road to it, and not
above four men able to go abreast, we were on a sudden
alarmed by the firing of the flank guards, which were
a little in the rear of our van. The savages briskly
returned fire, and killed the ensign and ten of the men,
and wounded several others.

Finding this, I being chief in command (having acted
as lieutenant, and received pay as such from my first
entrance, for my trouble and duty in learning the com-
pany), ordered the men to march on with all expedition
to the town, and all the way to keep a running fire on
the enemy, as they had fallen on our rear.

We would have got there in very good order, had it
not been for a river we had to cross, and the weather
being so excessively cold, our clothes froze to our bodies
as soon as we got out of the water. However, with
great difficulty we reached the town, and got into the
church, with the loss of 27 mea There we made
as good preparations for our defence as possibly we
could, making a great fire of the benches, seats, and
what we could find therein, to dry our clothes, not
esteeming it the least sacrilege or crime upon such an
emergency.

The Indians soon followed us into the town, and
surrounding us, tried all methods to burn the church,
but our continual firing kept them off for about six hours,
until our powder and ball were all expended. In the

67

night they set several houses on fire, and we, dreading
the consequences of being detained there, resolved to
make one bold efTort, and push ourselves through the
savage forces, which was accordingly done with the
most undaunted courage. The enemy fired continually
on us during our retreat, and killed many of our men,
but in their confusion many of themselves also, it being
so very dark that we were not able to discern our own
party, so that only five of us kept together, and got
into the woods. The rest, whom we left behind, I
doubt, fell sacrifices to the savages.

The night being so excessively cold, and having but
few clothes with us out of the church, two of my com-
rades froze to death before we could reach any inhabited
place. In short, we did not get any relief till four
o'clock in the morning, when we arrived at a house
that lay in the gap of the Blue Hills, where our captain
had arrived with the remainder of the men and waggons
the day before.

The captain enquiring our success, I gave him the
melancholy detail of our unfortunate expedition, upon
which, an express was immediately sent to the Gover-
nor with the account, who ordered t6oo men to march
the next morning for the same place, under the com-
mand of General Franklin, not only to bury the dead
and build a fort there, but to extirpate the savages who
infested these parts, and were too powerful for our
small number under Captain Davis.

The remainder of our little party were now building
a fort at the place where we lay for our defence, until
more assistance should arrive — for we were under con-
tinual apprehensions of the Indians pursuing and
attacking us again.

On the 9th of January, 1756, we were reinforced by
General Franklin and his body, and the next day set
out again for Kennorton-head, where, when we arrived,

68

to our great consternation, we found little occasion to
bury our unhappy comrades, the swine (which in that
country are vastly numerous in the woods), having
devoured their bodies, and nothing but bones strewed
up and down were to be seen. We there built a fort
in the place where the old church had stood, and gave
it the name of Fort Allen. This was finished in six
days, and in so good a manner, that loo men would
make great resistance against a much greater number
of Indians.

On the 1 8th, 1400 of us were ordered about fifteen
miles distant from thence, on the frontiers of the
province, where we built another fort, called Fort
Norris. In our way thither we found six men scalped
and murdered in a most cruel manner. By what we
could discern, they had made a vigorous defence, the
barrels and stocks of their guns being broke to pieces,
and themselves cut and mangled in a terrible manner.

From thence we were ordered to march towards a
place called the Minnisinks, but this journey proved
longer than we were aware of, the Indians committing
great outrages in these parts, having burned and
destroyed all the houses, &c, in our way. These tragic
actions caused us to divide ourselves into several
parties, who were ordered divers ways, to cut off as
many of these savages as possible.

The day after this scheme was put into execution^,
we met with a small party which we put to the rout,
killing fourteen of them. We then made all possible
despatch to save some houses we saw on fire ; but on
our nearer approach, found our endeavour in vain —
John Swisher and his family having been before scalped
and burnt to ashes in their own house. On the
following night, the house of James Wallis underwent
the same fate, himself, wife, seven children, and the
rest of the family being scalped, and burnt therein.

69

The houses and families of Philip Green and Abraham
Nairne suffered in the like manner. Nor did the
cruelty of these barbarians stop here, but attacked the
dwelling-house of George Hunter, Esq., a gentleman
of considerable wealth, and a justice of the peace, who
made a brave resistance, and rather than fall into the
hands of these miscreants, choose to meet death in
the flames, which he, his wife, and all his household,
consisting of sixteen in number, did with the utmost
bravery, before any assistance could be received
from our General, who had despatched 500 of us for
that purpose, on an express being sent to him that
morning.

From thence we marched to the Minnisinks, and
built Fort Norris. On the .9th of March, we set out
with 1000 men to the head of the Minnisinks, and
built another fort, which we named Franklin, in honour
of our General — all which forts were garrisoned with
as many men as we could possibly spare.

After this we were daily employed in scouring the
woods, from fort to fort, of these noxious creatures the
Indians, and in getting as much of the corn together
as we could find, to prevent the savages from having
any benefit therefrom.

Notwithstanding our vigilance, these villains, on the
15th, attacked the house of James Graham, but by
Providence, he, with his wife, who had just lain in,
and the young infant in her arms (with nothing about
her but her shift), made their escape to Fort Allen,
about fifteen miles distant. The child perished by
the way, and it was matter of wonder to the whole
garrison to find either of them alive — indeed, they
were in a deplorable condition, and we imagined they
would expire every moment. The wife, however, to
our great astonishment, recovered, but the husband
did not survive above six hours after their arrival.

70

The house of Isaac Cook suffered by the flames —
himself, his wife, and eight children being scalped and
burnt in it

Tedious and shocking would it be to enumerate
half the murders, conflagrations, and outrages com-
mitted by these hellish infidels — let it suffice, therefore,
that from the year 1753, when they first began their
barbarities, they had murdered, burned, scalped, and
destroyed above 3500, above 1000 of which were
unhappy inhabitants of the western part of Phila-
delphia Men, women, and children, fell alike a prey
to the savages, no regard being had by them to the
tender entreaties of an affectionate parent for a beloved
child, or the infant's prayers in behalf of his ^ed
father and mother. Such are the miserable calamities
attendant on schemes for gratifying the ambition of a
tyrannic monarchy like France, or the weak contri-
vances or indolent measures of blundering ministers
or negotiators.

The time of my furlough at length expiring, I
prepared to set out for my regiment. Having a
recommendatory letter from General Franklin to Major
Kinnair, as to my services, I marched forward for New
York, where, having arrived, I waited on the Major —
he being a worthy gentleman, universally beloved by
the whole regiment — and after giving him an account
of all our transactions, and the hardships and labours
we had gone through, I was dismissed.

After some stay there, I was ordered to proceed on
my march for Oswego once more. But before I go
further with my affairs, I shall just recount the result
of those provincials who went, as I mentioned before,
to quell the savages, under the command of Colonel
Armstrong.

He having under his command 280 provincials,
destined against the Ohio Moravians, against whom

71

nothing had been attempted, notwithstanding their
frequent incursions and murders, penetrated 140 miles
through the woods, from Fort Shirley, on Juniata river,
to Kittanning, an Indian town on the Ohio, about 25
miles above Fort du Quesne, belonging to the French.
He soon joined the advanced party at the Beaver- Dams,
and on the fourth evening after, being within six miles
of Kittanning, the scouts discovered a fire in the road,
and reported that there were but three or four Indians
at it. At that time it was not thought proper to
attempt surprising these Indians, lest if one should
escape, the town might be alarmed Lieutenant Hogg,
with twelve men, were therefore left to watch them,
with orders not to fall upon them until day-break;
and our forces turned out of the path, to pass their fire,
without disturbing them.

About three in the morning, having been guided by
the whooping of the Indian warriors, at a dance in the
town, they reached the river at about 100 perches below
it As soon as day appeared, the attack began. Cap-
tain Jacobs, chief of the Indians, gave the war-whoop,
and defended his house bravely through the loopholes
in the logs. The Indians generally refusing quarter.
Colonel Armstrong ordered their houses to be set on
fire, which was done by the officers and soldiers with
great alacrity. On this, some burst out of the houses,
and attempted to reach the river, but were instantly
shot Captain Jacobs, in getting out of a window, was
shot and scalped, as were also his squaw, and a lad
they. called the king's son. The Indians had a number
of spare arms in their houses loaded, which went off
in quick succession as the fire came to them ; and
quantities of gunpowder, which had been stored in
every house, blew up from time to time, throwing their
bodies into the air.

Eleven English prisoners were released, who informed

72

the Colonel that that very day two batteaux of French-
men, with a large party of Delaware and French
Indians, were to have joined Captain Jacobs, to march
and take Fort Shirley ; and that twenty-four warriors
had set out before them the preceding evening, which
proved to be the party that had kindled the fire the
preceding night — for our people returning, found Lieu-
tenant Hogg wounded in three places, and learned that
he had attacked the supposed party of three or four at
the fire, but found them too strong for him. He killed
three of them, however, at the first fire, and fought
them an hour, when, having lost three of his men, the
rest, as he lay wounded, abandoned him and fled, the
enemy pursuing. Lieutenant Hogg died soon after of
his wounds.

Enough of these two expeditions has been said, nor
can I well tell which of the two was most successful,
both losing more of their own men than they killed of
the enemy.

A little retrospection again on the actions and be-
haviour of the Philadelphians, and the other provinces,
and places in conjunction with them, may here be
something necessary, for, when I arrived at Philadel-
phia, I found, however melancholy their situation had
been of late, this good effect had been obtained, that
the most prejudiced and ignorant individual was
feelingly convinced of the necessity of vigorous
measures ; and, besides national and public views^ then
the more prevailing ones of revenge and self-interest,
gave a spur to their counsels. They were accordingly
raising men with the utmost expedition, and had, before
the end of the summer, a considerable number, though
not equal to what they could furnish, having at least
45,000 men in Pennsylvania able to fight

And, pursuant to agreement some months before,
the four governments of New England, in conjunction

73

with New York (which last furnished 1300), had now
assembled 8000 men (for the attack of Fort Frederick)
at Albany, 150 miles N. of N^w York, and about 130
from Crown Point, under the command of General
Winslow. But many people dreading the cruelty of
the French, were not so very eager to join them this
year as J;he last — an impress therefore of part of the
militia was ordered in New York government. To
prevent which, subscriptions were set on foot to engage
volunteers by high bounties, so loath were they, that
some got nine or twelve pounds sterling to enlist.

The 44th, 48th, 50th, and 51st regiments of Great
Britain were destined for the campaign on the great
lake Ontario, and mostly marched for Oswego, thence
to be carried over in 200 great whale boats, which were
then at the lake, and were built at Schenectady, on
Mohawk's river, and were long, round, and light, as the
batteaux, being flat-bottomed and small, would not
answer the navigation of the lake, where the waves
were often very high. They were then, at last, in-
tended to attack Fort Frontenac, mentioned before,
and the other French forts on the lake. Upwards of
2000 batteaux-men were employed to navigate the
batteaux, each a ton burthen, laden with provisions and
stores from Albany, by the Mohawk river, then through
Oneyda lake and river, down to Oswego. There were
likewise 300 sailors hired and gone up from New York
(as I found, when I arrived there) to navigate the four
armed ships on the lake, built there, as I have before
mentioned, the last year, for the king*s service, and two
others were then building — smiths, carpenters, and
other artificers having gone there for that purpose some
weeks before. Such were the preparations and arma-
ments for this campaign; but how fruitless, to our
disgrace, was soon known all over the world !

I shall not trouble the reader with a long account of

74

a long march I had to take from New York to Oswego,
to join my regiment — suffice it therefore, that I arrived
there about the middle of July. In my march thither,
with some recruits, we joined Colonel Broadstreet at
Albany, and on the 6th of May, at the great carrying
place, had a skirmish with the French and Indians,
wherein several were killed and wounded on Uoth sides
— of the latter I made one. Receiving a shot through
my left hand, which entirely disabled my third and
fourth fingers; and having no hospital, or any con-
veniences for the sick there, I was, after having my
hand dressed in a wretched manner, sent with the next
batteaux to Albany to get it cured

As soon as I was well, I set out for Oswego again.
And, when I arrived there, I began to make what
observations I could, as to the alterations that had
been made since the month of October preceding. The
works of Oswego, at this time, consisted of three forts,
viz., the Old Fort, built many years before, whose chief
strength was a weak stone wall, about two feet thick,
so ill cemented, that it could not resist the force of a
four pound ball, and situated on the east side of the
harbour. The two other forts, called Fort Ontario and
Fort George, were each of them at the distance of about
450 yards from the Old Fort, and situated on two emi-
nences, which commanded it Both these, as I have
already observed, were begun to be built last year,
upon plans which made them defensible against
musketry, and cannon of three or four pound ball only,
the time not allowing works of a stronger nature to be
then undertaken.

For our defence against large cannon, we entirely
depended on a superior naval force upon the lake,
which might have put it in our power to prevent the
French from bringing heavy artillery against the place,
as that could only be done by water carriage,* which is

75

my opinion, as well as many others. If the naval force
had but done their duty, Oswego might have been ours
to this very day, and entirely cut off the communication
of the French from Canada to the Ohio ; but if I would
insist on this, as the particulars require, I perhaps
should affront some, and injure myself, all to no
purpose, or of any beneficial service to recall our
former losses.

A day or two after, being at Oswego, the fort was
alarmed by hearing a firing, when, on despatching
proper scouts, it was found to be the French and In-
dians engaging the batteaux-men and sailors, conveying
the provisions to Oswego from one river to another.
On this, a detachment of 500 men were ordered out in
pursuit of them, whereof I was one. We had a nanow
pass in the woods to go through, where we were
attacked by a great number of Indians, when a des-
perate fight began on both sides, that lasted about two
hours. However, at last we gained a complete victory,
and put them entirely to the rout, killing fourteen of
them, and wounding above forty. On our side we had
but two men killed and six wounded. Many more
would have been killed of both parties, had it not been
for the thickness of the woods.

I cannot here omit recounting a most singular
transaction that happened during this my second time
of being there, which, though scarce credible, is abso-
lutely true, and can be testified by hundreds who know
and have often seen the man. In short, one Moglasky,
of the 50th regiment, an Irishman, being placed as
sentinel over the rum which had arrived, and being
curious to know its goodness, pierced the cask, and
drank till he was quite intoxicated, when, not knowing
what he did, he rambled from his post, and fell asleep
a good way from the garrison. An Indian skulking
that way for prey (as is conjectured) found him, and

76

made free with his scalp, which he plucked and carried
off. The Serjeant, in the morning, finding him prostrate
on his face, and seeing his scalp off, imagined him to
be dead ; but on his nearer approach, and raising him
from the ground, the fellow awakened from the sound
sleep he had been in, and asked the Serjeant what he
wanted. The serjeant, quite surprised at the strange
behaviour of the fellow, interrogated him, how he camd
there in that condition ? he replied, he could not tell,'
but that he had got very drunk^ and rambled he knew not
whither The serjeant advised him to prepare for
death, not having many hours to live, as he had lost
• his scalp. Arrah, my dear now, cries he, and are you
joking me? for he really knew nothing of his being
served in the manner he was, and would not believe
any accident had happened him, until seeing his
clothes bloody, he felt his head, and found it to be
too true, as well as having a cut from his mouth to his
ear. He was immediately carried before the Gover-
nor, who asked him how he came to leave his post ?
He replied, that being very thirsty^ he had broached a
cask of rum^ and drank about a pint^ which made him
drunk ; but if his Honour would forgive him he^d never
be guilty of the like again. The Governor told him it
was very probable he never would, as he was now no
better than a dead man. However, the surgeons
dressed his head there as well as they could, and then
sent him in a batteau to Albany, where he was perfectly
cured, and to the great surprise of everybody, was
living when I left the country. This, though so
extraordinary and unparalled an affair, I aver to be
true, having several times seen the man after this acci-
dent happened to him. How his life was preserved
seems a miracle, as no instance of the like was ever
known.

I had forgot to mention, that before I left Albany,

77

he last time, upon Colonel Broadstreet^s arrival there,
>n his way to Oswego with the provisions and forces,
insisting of about 500 whale-boats and batteaux,
ntended for the campaign on the great lake Ontario,
aentioned before, I joined his corps, and proceeded
m with the batteaux, &c

Going up the river Onondago towards Oswego, the
)atteaux-men were, on the 29th of June, attacked near
he falls, about nine miles from Oswego, by 500 French
ind Indians, who killed and wounded 74 of our
nen, before we could get on shore, which, as soon as
ire did, the French were routed, with the loss of 130
nen killed, and several wounded, whom we took
^soners.

Had we known of their lying in ambush, or of their
ntent to attack us, the victory would have been much
nore complete on our side, as the troops Colonel Broad-
^eet commanded were regular, well disciplined, and
in tolerable health — whereas the French, by a long
passage at sea, and living hard after their arrival at
Canada, were much harassed and fatigued.

However, we got all safe to Oswego with the batteaux
md provisions, together with the rigging and stores for
the large vessels, excepting twenty-four cannon, six-
pounders, that were then at the great carrying place,
which Colonel Broadstreet was to bring with him,
upon his next passage from Schenectady, to which place,
as soon as he had delivered to the Quarter-master all
the stores under his care, he was ordered to return
with the batteaux and men to receive the orders of
Major-General Abercromby. On his return from
Schenectady, it was expected that Halket's and Dunbar^s
regiment would have come with him, in order to take
Fort Frontenac, and the other French forts on lake
Ontario. But, alas ! as schemes for building castles
in the air always prove abortive for want of proper

78

architecture and foundation, so did this scheme of ours,
for want of due knowledge of our own situation.

On the arrival of these forces, a new brigantine and
sloop were fitted out, and about the same time, a large
snow was also launched and rigged, and only waited
for her guns and some running rigging, which they
expected every day by Colonel Broadstreet ; and had
he returned in time with the cannon and batteaux-men
under his command, the French would not dared to
have appeared on the lake ; but Colonel Broadstreet
happened to be detained with the batteaux at Schenec-
tady for above a month, waiting for the 44th regiment
to march with him. The dilatoriness of his embarka-
tion at Schenectady cannot be imputed to Colonel
Broadstreet, because General Shirley waited with im-
patience for the arrival of Lord Loudon Campbell
from England ; and when his lordship landed at New I
York, he, in a few days after, proceeded to Albany,
where his lordship took the command of the army from
General Shirley, and upon comparing, and considering
how bad a situation his forces, and the different govern-
ments upon the continent were in, his lordship, with
the advice of several other experienced officers, thought
himself not in a condition to proceed on any enterprise
for that season, no farther than to maintain our ground
at Oswego — for which purpose Colonel Broadstreet
was immediately ordered off with the batteaux and
provisions, as also the aforesaid regiments ; but before
Broadstreet arrived at the great carrying place, Oswego
was taken, with all the ships of war, although our naval
force was far superior to the French. '

Before I relate the attack of Oswego, I shall review
a little what the French were doing during these our
dilatory, pompous proceedings.

The Marquis de Vandrueil, Governor and Lieutenant-
Ceneral of New France, whilst he provided for the

79

security of the frontiers of Canada, was principally
attentive to the lakes. Being informed that we were
making vast preparations at Oswego for attacking
Niagara and Frontenac, he took and razed, in the -
month of March, the fort where we had formed our
principal magazine, and in June following, destroyed
on the river Chonenan, or Oswego, some of our vessels,
and made some prisoners. The success of these two
expeditions encouraged him to act offensively, and to
attack us at Oswego. This settlement they pretended,
and still insist on, to be an encroachment, or invasion,
which we had made in time of profound peace, and
against which, they said, they had continually remon-
strated, during our blundering negotiating lawyer's
residence at France. It was at first, say they, only a
fortified magazine; but in order to avail themselves of
its advantageous situation, in the centre almost of the
French colonies, the English added, from time to time,
several new works, and made it consist of three forts, as
above described.

The troops designed for this expedition by the
French amounted to near 5000 men, 1300 of which
were regulars. To prevent his design being discovered,
M. de Vandrueil pretended, in order the better to de-
ceive us, who had so long before been blind, that he
was providing only for the security of Niagara and
Frontenac. The Marquis de Montcalm, who com-
manded on this occasion, arrived on the 29th of July
at Fort Frontenac, and having given the necessary
directions for securing his retreat, in case it should
have been rendered inevitable by a superior force,
sent out two vessels, one of twelve, and the other of
sixteen guns, to cruise off Oswego, and posted a chain
of Canadians and Indians, on the road between
Oswego and Albany, to intercept our couriers. All
the forces, and the vessels, with the artillery and stores

8o

%■

being arrived in the bay of Nixoure, the place of
general rendezvous, the Marquis de Montcalm ordered
his advanced guard to proceed to a creek called Anse
aux Cabannes, three leagues from Oswego.

But, to carry on this account the more accurately
and intelligibly to the reader, I shall recite the actions
of the French and ourselves together, as a more
clear and succinct manner of making those unac-
quainted with the art of war, more sensible of this
important affair.

Colonel Mercer, who was then commanding officer
of the garrison at Oswego, having, on the 6th of August,
intelligence of a large encampment of French and
Indians, about 12 miles off, despatched one of the
schooners, with an account of it, to Captain Bradley,
who was then on a cruise with the large brigantine and
two sloops, at the same time desired him to cruise as
far to the eastward as he could, and to endeavour to
prevent the approach of the French on the lake ; but
meeting the next day with a small gale of wind, the
large brigantine was drove on shore near Oswego, in
attempting to get into the harbour — of which mis-
fortune the Indians immediately gave M. de Montcalm,
the French General, notice, who took that oppor-
tunity of transporting his heavy cannon to about a
mile and a half off the fort, which he could not other-
wise have done, had not there been some neglect on
our side.

For on the loth, the first division of the French
being arrived at Anse aux Cabannes, at two o'clock in
the morning, the vanguard proceeded, at four in
the afternoon, by land, across woods, to another creek
within half a league of Oswego, in order to favour the
debarkation. At midnight their first division re-
paired to this creek, and there erected a battery on
Lake Ontario.

8i

Colonel Mercer, on the morning of the loth, on some
canoes being seen to the eastward, sent out the small
schooner to make discovery of what they were. She
was scarce half a mile from the fort, before she dis-
covered a very large encampment, close under the
opposite point, being the first division of the French
troops above-mentioned. On this, the two sloops (the
large brigantine being still on shore) were sent out with
orders, if possible, to annoy the enemy — but this was
to no purpose ; the enemy's cannon being large and
well pointed, hulled the vessels almost every shot, while
theirs fell short of the shore.

This day and the next, the enemy were employed in
making gabions, faucissons, and fascines, and in cutting
a road across the woods, from the place of landing, to
the place where the trenches were to be opened ; and
the second division of the enemy arriving on the nth
in the morning, with the artillery and provisions, the
same immediately landed without any opposition.
Though dispositions were made for opening the trenches
on the loth, at night, which was rather a parallel of
about ICO toises* in front, and opened at the distance
of about 60 toises from the fosse of Fort Ontario, in
ground embarrassed with trunks of trees.

About five in the morning of the i ith, this parallel
was finished, and the workmen began to erect the
batteries. Thus was the place invested by about 5000
men, and 32 pieces of cannon, from 12 to 18 pOunders,
besides several large brass mortars and hoyets, among
which artillery was part of General Braddock's. About
noon they began the attack of Fort Ontario, with small
arms, which was briskly returned. All this day, the
garrison was employed on the west side of the river, in
repairing the batteries on the south side of the Old Fort.

*A toise is a French measure, and contains about two fathoms or six feet
in length.

82

t

The next morning (the 12th), at day-break, a large
number of French batteaux were discovered on the lake,
on their way to join the enemy's camp, on which, Colonel
Mercer ordered the two sloops to be again sent out,
with directions to get between the batteaux and the
camp; but before our vessels came up, the batteaux
had secured themselves under the fire of their cannon.

In the evening a detatchment was made of 100 men
of the 50th (General PepperelFs) regiment, and 126 of
the New Jersey provincials, under the command of
Colonel Schuyler, to take possession of the fort on the
hill, to the westward of the Old Fort, and under the
direction of the engineer, Mr. M'Kneller, were to put it
into the best state of defence they could — in which work
they were employed all the following night.

The enemy on the east side continued their approaches
to the Fort Ontario, but, with their utmost efforts, for
a long time they could not bring their cannon to bear
on it. However, drawing their cannon with great ex-
pedition, next morning (the 13th) about ten o'clock, to
a battery erected within sixty yards from it, they played
them very hotly on the garrisons, notwithstanding the
constant fire kept on them, and the loss of their principal
engineer, who was killed in the trenches. A council of
war was immediately held by the officers of General
Peppereirs regiment, who, observing the mortars were
beginning to play, concluded it most advisable to quit
Fort Ontario, and join Colonel Schuyler's regiment at
Fort George or Fort Rascal ; and an account of this
latter battery being sent to Colonel Mercer, by the
commandant of the enemy, ordering him to evacuate
the fort, they accordingly did, about three in the after-
noon, destroying the cannon, ammunition, and provisions
therein, and managed their retreat so as to pass the
river, and join the troops at the west side, without the
loss of a man. These troops, being about 370, were

83

»

immediately ordered to join Colonel Schuyler, and were
employed all the following night in completing the
works of that fort.

M. Montcalm immediately took possession of Fort
Ontario, and ordered the communications of the parallel
to be continued to the banks of the river, where, in the
beginning of the night, they began a grand battery,
placed in such a manner that it could not only batter
Fort Oswego, and the way from thence to Fort George
but also the intrenchment of Oswego.

On the morning of the 13th, the large brigantine
being off the rocks and repaired, a detachment of eighty
men of the garrison were put on board of her, and the
two sloops, in order to go out immediately; but the
wind continuing to blow directly into the harbour,
rendered it impossible for them to get out before the
place was surrendered. This night, as well as the night
before, parties of the enemy's irregulars made several
attempts to surprise our advance guards and sentinels
on the west side of the river, but did not succeed in
any of them.

The enemy were employed this night in bringing up
their cannon and raising a battery. On our side we
kept a constant fire of cannon and shells from the Old
Fort, and works about it. The cannon which most
annoyed the enemy were four pieces which we reversed
on the platform of an earthen work, which surrounded
the Old Fort, and which was entirely enfiladed by the
enemy's battery on the opposite shore. In this situation,
without the least cover, the train, assisted by a detach-
ment of Shirley's regiment, behaved remarkably well.

At day-break, on the 14th, we renewed our fire on
that part of the opposite shore, where we had the
evening before observed the enemy at work in raising
the battery.

The enemy, in three columns, consisted of 2500 Cana-

84

dians and savages, crossed the river, some by swim-
ming, and others by wading, with the water up to their
middles, in order to invest and attack the Old Fort.
This bold action, by which they entirely cut off the
communication of the two forts; the celerity with which
the works were carried on, in ground that we thought
impracticable; a continual return of our fire from a
battery of ten cannon, twelve pounders; and their
preparing a battery of mortars and hoyets, made Colonel
Mercer think it advisable (he not knowing their numbers)
to order Colonel Schuyler, with 500 men, to oppose
them ; which would accordingly have been carried into
execution, and consequently, every man of the 500 cut
off, had not Colonel Mercer been killed by a cannon ball
a few minutes after. The resolution of this valiant
Colonel seemed to be determined to oppose the French
to the last extremity, and to maintain his ground at
Oswego, but his final doom came on so unexpectedly,
that his loss was universally regretted.

About ten o^clock the enemy's battery was ready to
play, at which time, all our places of defence were either
enfiladed, or ruined by the constant fire of their cannon,
Fort Rascal, or George, in particular, having at that
time no guns, and scarce in a condition to defend itself
against small arms — with 2500 irregulars on our backs,
ready to storm us on that side, and 2000 of their
regulars as ready to land in our front, under the fire of
their cannon.

Fort Rascal might have been made a very defensible
fortress. Lying on a hill, and the ascent to it so steep,
that had an enemy been ever so numerous, they must
have suffered greatly in an attempt to storm it. Why
it was not in a better state, it becomes not me to say,
but matters were so; and in this situation we were,
when Colonel Littlehales, who succeeded Colonel
Mercer in the command, called a council of war, who

85

were, with the engineers, unanimously of opinion, that
the works were no longer tenable, and that it was by
no means prudent to risk a storm with such unequd
numbers.

The chamade was accordingly ordered to be beat, and
the fire ceased on both sides^yet the French were
not idle, but improved this opportunity to bring up
more cannon, and advanced the main body of their
troops within musket-shot of the garrison, and prepared
every thing for a storm. Two officers were sent to the
French General, to know what terms he would give.
The Marquis de Montcalm made answer, that they
might expect whatever terms were consistent with the
service of his Most Christian Majesty. He accordingly
agreed to the following : —

ARTICLE I.

The garrison shall surrender prisoners of war, and shall be conducted
from hence to Montreal, where they shall be treated with humanity, and
every one shall have treatment agreeable to their respective ranks, according
to the custom of war.

ARTICLE II.

Officers, soldiers, and individuals, shall have their baggage and clothes,
and they shall be allowed to carry them along with them.

ARTICLE III.

They shall remain prisoners of war, until they are exchanged.

Given at the Camp before Oswego,
August 14th, 1756.

MONTCALM.

By virtue of this capitulation, the garrison surren-
dered prisoners of war, and the French immediately took
possession of Oswego and Fort George, which they
entirely destroyed, agreeable to their orders, after
removing the artillery, warlike stores, and provisions.

But to describe the plunder, havoc, and devastation
made by thfe French, as well as the savages, who rushed

86

in by thousands, is impossible. For notwithstanding
the Christian promise made by the General of his Most
Christian Majesty, they all behaved more like infernal
beings than creatures in human shapes. In short, not
contented with surrendering upon the above terms, they
scalped and killed all the sick and wounded in the
hospitals ; mangling, butchering, cutting, and chopping
off their heads, arms, legs, &c., with spades, hatchets,
and other such diabolical instruments, treating the
whole with the utmost cruelty, notwithstanding the
repeated intercessions of the defenceless sick and
wounded for mercy, which were indeed piteous enough
to have softened any heart possessed of the minutest
particle of humanity !

Here I cannot help observing that, notwithstanding
what has been said of the behavour of the officers of
these (the 50th and 51st) regiments, I must, with the
greatest truth, give them the characters of brave, but
I wish I could say, experienced men — every one of
them I had an opportunity of observing during the
siege behaving with the utmost courage and intrepidity.
Nor, in this place, can I omit particularly naming Col.
James Campbell and Captain Archibald Hamilton, who
assisted with the greatest spirit and alacrity the private
men at the great guns. But for such an handful of
men as our garrison then consisted of, and the works
being of such a weak and defenceless nature, to have
made a longer defence, or have caused the enemy to
raise the siege, would have been such an instance as
England for many years hath not experienced, and I
am afraid will be many more before it will, for reasons
that are too obvious.

The quantity of stores and ammunition we then had
in the three forts is almost incredible. But of what avail
are powder and balls if walls and ramparts are defence-
less, and men insufficient to make use of them ? In short,

87

the French, by taking this place, make themselves
masters of the following things, all which were im-
mediately sent to Frontenac, viz., seven pieces of brass
cannon, nineteen, fourteen, and twelve pounders;
forty-eight iron cannon, of nine, six, five, three, and two
pounders ; a brass mortar of nine inches four-twelfths,
and thirteen others of six and three inches; forty-
seven swivel guns ; 23,ooolbs. of gunpowder ; Sooplbs.
of lead and musket ball; 2950 cannon balls; 150
bombs of nine inches, and 300 more of six inches
diameter; 1426 grenadoes, 1070 muskets; a vessel
pierced for eighteen guns ; the brigantine of sixteen, a
gceletta of ten, a batteau of ten (the sloops already
mentioned), another of eight guns, a skiff of eighteen
swivels, and another burnt upon the stocks; 704 barrels
of biscuit, 1386 firkins of bacon and beef; 712 firkins
of meal ; thirty-two live oxen ; fifteen hogs, and a large
sum of money in the military chest, amounting, as the
French said, to 18,594 livres.

On the 1 6th, they began to remove us. The officers
were first sent in batteaux, and 200 soldiers a day
afterwards, till the whole were gone, being carried
first to Montreal, and from thence to Quebec. Our duty
in the batteaux, till we reached the first place, was very
hard and slavish ; and durmg the time we were on the
lake and river St. Lawrence, it appeared very easy and
feasible for Commodore Bradley, had he thought proper,
to have destroyed all the enemy's batteaux, and have
prevented them from ever landing their cannon within
forty miles of the fort. But he knew his own reasons
for omitting this piece of service best.

Our party arrived at Montreal in Canada on the 28th.
We were that night secured in the fort, as were the rest
as they came in. The French used various means to
win some of our troops over to their interests, or, at least,
to do their work in the fields, which many refused,

ss

among whom was myself — who were then conducted on
board a ship, and sent to Quebec, where, arriving on
the 5 th of September, we were lodged in a goal, and
kept there for the space of one month.

During this our captivity, many of our men, rather
than lie in a prison, went out to work and assist the
French in getting in their harvest, they having then
scarce any people left in that country but old men,
women, and children, so that the corn was continually
falling into the stubble for want of hands to reap it j
but those who did go out, in two or three days, chose
confinement again rather than liberty on such terms,
being almost starved, having nothing in the country to
live on but dry bread, whereas we in the prison were
each of us allowed two lbs. of bread and half-a-pound of
meat a day, and otherwise treated with a good deal of
humanity.

Eighteen soldiers were all the guard they had to place
over us, who, being greatly fatigued with hard duty,
and dreading our rising on them, which, had we had
any arms, we might easily have done, and ravaged the
country round, as it was then entirely defenceless ; and
the town's people themselves fearing the consequences
of having such a number of men in a Iplace where
provisions were at that time very scarce and dear, they
thought of sending us away, the most eligible way of
keeping themselves from famine, and accordingly put
1500 of us on board a vessel for England.

But before I continue the account of our voyage home
to our native country, I shall just make a short retro-
spection on the consequences that attended the loss of
Oswego, as appeared to us and the rest of the people
at Quebec, who knew that part of America to which
this important place was a safeguard.

As soon as Oswego was taken, our only communication
from the Mohawk's river to the lake Oneida was stopped

89

up, by filling the place at Wood's Creek with great logs
and trees for many miles together. A few day after-
wards, the forts at the great carrying place, and then
our most advanced post into the country of the Six
Nations, which I have before given a short account of
(and where there were at that time above 3000 men,
including 1200 batteaux-men, and which still gave the
Six Nations some hopes that we would defend their
country against the French), were abandoned and de-
stroyed, and the troops which were under the command
of General Webb retreated to Burnef s Field, and left
the country and the Six Nations to the mercy of the
enemy.

The French, immediately after the taking of Oswego,
demolished, as it is said before, all the works there, and
returned with their prisoners and booty to Ticonderago,
to oppose our provincial army, under the command of
General Winslow, who had shamefully been kept in
expectation of the dilatory arrival of Lord Loudon, from
attacking Crown Point, while the enemy were weak,
and it was easily in our power to have beat them.

The consequences of the destruction of our forts at
the great carrying place, and General Webb's retreating
to Burnet's Field, is now, alas ! too apparent to every
one acquainted with American affairs. The Indians of
the Six Nations undoubtedly looked upon it as aban-
doning them and their country to the French, for they
plainly saw that we had no strong hold near them, and
that (by the place at Wood's Creek being stopped) we
could not, if we would, afford them any assistance at
Onondago, Cayuga, and the Senekea's country, which
were their chief castles — that the forts begun by us in
those countries were left unfinished, and therefore could
be of no use to them, and which, if we had kept the
carrying place, we might have finished, and given them
still hopes of our being able to defend them.

90

But despairing of our being further serviceable to
them, those Iroquois, who were before our friends, and
some of the others, have indeed deserted us, and the
consequences of such their junctions with the French
was soon after felt in the loss of Fort George on Lake
Sacrament.

The fine country on the Mohawk*s river, down to
Albany, was by this step left open to the ravages of the
enemy, and an easy passage opened to the French and
their Indians into the provinces of Pennsylvania and
New Jersey, by the way of Susquehana and Delaware
rivers, which were before covered by our settlements
on the Mohawk's river, and the Six Nations.

CUSTOMS, DRESS, &c., OF THE SAVAGES.

I SHALL here give the best description of the Indians,
their way of living, &c., in my power.

It is difficult to guess what may be the number of
the Indians scattered up and down our back settlements;
but if their own account be true, they amount to many
thousands. Be this, however, as it will, they are not to
be feared merely on account of their numbers — other
circumstances conspire to make them formidable. The
English inhabitants, though numerous, are extended
over a vast track of land, 500 leagues in length on the
sea shore, and for the most part have fixed inhabitations,
the easiest and shortest passages to which the Indians,
by continually hunting in the woods, are perfectly well
acquainted with ; and as their way of making war is
by sudden attacks upon exposed places, as soon as they
have done the mischief at one place they retire, and
either go home by some different route, or go to
some distant place to renew their attacks. If they are
pursued, it is a chance if they do not ensnare their
pursuers, or if that be not the case, as soon as they have

91

gained the rivers, so dexterous are they in the use of
their canoes, that they presently get out of reach. It
is to no purpose to follow them to their settlements, for
they can, without much disadvantage, quit their old
habitations and betake themselves to new ones — add to
this, that they can be suddenly drawn together from
any distance, as they can find their subsistence in
travelling from their guns.

No people on earth have a higher sense of liberty or
stronger affection for their relations. When offended,
they are the most implacable vindictive enemies on ;
earth, for no distance of place or space of time will
abate their resentment, but they will watch every
opportunity of revenge, and when such opportunity *
offers, they revenge themselves effectully. y

They will sooner sacrifice their own lives for the sake
of liberty than humble themselves to the arbitrary
control of any person whatsoever. In battle they never
submit, and will die rather than be taken prisoners.

Our late transactions in America testify that the
friendship of the Indians is to be desired, and the only
way to maintain a friendly correspondence with them
is by making such propositions to them as will secure
their liberties, and be agreeable to their expectations ;
and not only by keeping these propositions inviolable
as well as in time of peace as in time of war, but also re-
newing our treaties with them from time to time, for
they are very jealous and tenacious of an affront or
neglect. They are very proud, and love to be esteemed.
In time of peace they live upon what they get from the
white people, for which they barter skins, furs, &c.
Their clothing, and every thing else they want, such as
arms, they get in the same manner. In war time, they
live upon what they can procure by their gun, and if
that fails, upon roots, fruits, herbs, and other vegetables
of the natural produce of the earth.

92

They have never the foresight to provide necessaries
for themselves —they look only to the present moment,
and leave to-morrow to provide for itself They eat of
every wild beast which they kill, without distinction.
They always prefer game to vegetables ; but when they
cannot get venison, they live on roots, fruits, and herbs.
They destroy a great deal of meat at a time, when they
have it in their power, and when they leave any, be it
ever such a great quantity, it is rare if any of them
will take the trouble to carry a pound of it, but will
rather leave it behind them ; yet, notwithstanding this
extravagance, such are their tempers, and they are so
inured to hardships, that if they cannot conveniently
get at food, they can and actually do fast sometimes
for near a week together, and yet are as active as if
they had lived regularly. All their spare time is taken
up in contriving schemes to succeed in their intended
expeditions. They can never be taken in a pursuit by
any European. They will travel seventy miles a-day,
and continue for months together, as I have reason to
know from experience, and they are sure to bring their
pursuers into a snare, if they are not wary, and have
some Indians on their side to beat the bushes. When
they are overtaken with sleep, they light a great fire,
which prevents the wild beasts from falling upon them,
for wild beasts have a natural aversion to fire — nor is
it easy for an enemy to discover them in this condition
— for the country is oue continued tract of thick wood,
overgrown with brushwood, so that you cannot see the
fire till you be within a few yards of it. They have
nothing covering them from the inclemency of the
weather but a blanket, something in the shape of a
Highlander's plaid.

And further, to prevent their being long observed by
their pursuers, or to be seen too soon when they have
a mind to attack any plantation, they paint themselves

93

of the same colour with the trees, among which they
hide.

When they are to attack a plantation, they never
come out till night, and then they rush instantly upon
the farms, &c, and destroy everything, as well men,
women, and children, as beasts — then they fall to
plunder, and return to their lurking holes till another
opportunity of plunder happens, when they renew their
attack in the same manner — so that if some method is
not taken to draw them into our interest, our colonies
will be in continual alarm, and the country will soon
become desolate, for nobody will venture their lives to
settle on the back parts, unless the Indians are our
friends.

The Indian manner of fighting is quite different from
that of other nations. They industriously avoid all
open engagements; and, besides ambuscades, their
principal way is bush fighting, in the exercises of which
they are very dexterous — for the back country being
one continued wood, except some few spots cleared for
the purpose of husbandry by our back settlers, the
Indians squat themselves down behind the trees, and
fire their muskets at the enemy. If the enemy ad-
vances, then they retreat behind other trees, and fire
in the same manner, and as they are good marksmen,
they never fire in vain, whereas their pursuers seldom
hit.

Notwithstanding the political schemes of France are
nearly brought to a period, yet if the Indians are not
satisfied with the conclusion of a peace between us and
the French as to America, I mean unless they are
fairly dealt with, we shall gain but little by all our
conquests — for it is the friendship of the Indians that
will make Canada valuable to us. We have already
more lands than we are able to manage; but the
advantage, nay, the necessity of keeping Canada I have

94

already shewn, and therefore I shall go on with my
account of the Indians.

When last in London, I remember to have heard some
coffee-house politicians, chagrined at the devastations
they made on our back settlements, say, that it would
be an easy matter to root out the savages by clearing
the ground. I answer, that the task may seem easy
to them, but the execution of such a scheme on such a
track of land would be so difficult, that I doubt whether
there are people enough in Great Britain and Ireland
to accomplish it in a hundred years' time, were they to
meet with no opposition ; but where there is such a
subtile enemy to deal with, I am afraid we should make
but little progress in reducing the Indians, even allow-
ing the country to be all cleared, as there are hills and
other fastnesses to which the Indian can retire, and
where they would greatly have the better of every
attempt to dislodge them. The only way I would
advise is, to keep friends with the Indians, and en-
deavour to prevail on them to settle in the same manner
as the planters do, which they will be more easily
brought to, if the French are excluded from Canada.
For, notwithstanding their wandering way of life, I
have the greatest reason to believe they have no dislike
to an easy life. And as they have no temptations
to murder, as they had when stirred up by the subjects
of his Most Christian Majesty, they will soon become
useful members of society.

When the English first arrived in the American
colonies, they found the woods inhabited by a race of
people uncultivated in their manners, but not quite
devoid of humanity. They were strangers to litera-
true, ignorant of the liberal arts, and destitute of
almost every conveniency of life.

But if they were unpractised in the art of more
civilized nations, they were also free from their vices.

95

They seemed perfect in two parts of the ancient Persian
education, namely, shooting with the bow, and speaking
truth. In their dealings, they commonly exchange one
commodity for another. Strangers themselves to fraud,
they had an entire confidence in others. Accprding to
their abilities they were generous and hospitable.
Happy, thrice happy had they been, if, still preserving
their native innocence and simplicity, they had only
been instructed in the knowledge of God, and the
doctrines of Christianity ; and hadthey been taught some
of the more useful parts of life, and to lay aside what
was wild and savage in their manners !

They received the English upon their first arrival
with open arms, treated them kindly, and shewed an
earnest desire that they should settle and live with
them. They freely parted with some of their lands to
their new-come brethren, and cheerfully entered into a
league of friendship with them. As the English were
in immediate want of subsistance of the Indians, they,
on their part, endeavoured to make their coming
agreeable. Thus they lived for some years in the
mutual exchange of friendly offices. Their houses were
open to each other, they treated one another as brothers.
But by their different way of living, the English soon
acquired property, while the Indians continued in their
former indigence — hence the former found they could
easily live without the latter, and therefore became less
anxious about preserving their friendship. This gave
a check to that mutual hospitality that had hitherto
subsisted between them; and this, together with the
decrease of game for hunting, arising from the increase
of the English settlements, induced the Indians to
remove farther back into the woods.

From this time the natives began to be treated as a
people of whom an advantage might be taken. As the
trade with them was free and open, men of loose and

96

abandoned characters engaged in it, and practised every
fraud. Before the coming of the white people, the
Indians never tasted spirituous liquors, and, like most
barbarians, having once tasted, became immoderately
fond thereof^ and had no longer any government of
themselves. The traders availed themselves of this
weakness. Instead of carrying our clothes to cover the
naked savages, they carried them rum, and thereby
debauched their manners, weakened their constitutions,
introduced disorders unknown to them before, and in
short corrupted and ruined them.

The Indians, finding the ill effects of this trade, began
to complain. Wherefore laws were made, prohibiting
any from going to trade with them without a licence
from the Governor, and it was also made lawful for the
Indians to stave the casks, and spill what rum was
brought among them — but this was to little purpose ;
the Indians had to little command of themselves to do
their duty, and were easily prevailed upon not to execute
this law, and the design of the former was totally
evaded, by men of some character taking out licences
to trade, and then employing under them persons of no
honour or principle, generally servants and convicts
transported hither from Britain and Ireland, whom they
sent with goods into the Indian country to trade on
their account. These getting beyond the reach of the
law, executed unheard-of villainies upon the natives,
committing crimes which modesty forbids me to name,
and behaving in a manner too shocking to be related

At every treaty which the Indians held with the
English they complained of the abuses they suffered
from the traders, and trade as then carried on. They
requested that the traders might be recalled, but all to
no purpose. They begged in the strongest terms that
no rum might be suffered to come among them ; but
were only told they were at liberty to spill all rum

97

brought into their country. At this time little or no
pains were taken to civilize or instruct them in the
Christian religion, till at length the conduct of traders^
professing themselves of that religion, gave the Indians
an almost invincible prejudice against it. Besides, as
these traders travelled among distant nations of the
Indians, and were in some sort the representatives of
the English nation, from them the Indians formed a very
unfavourable opinion of our whole nation, and easily
believed every misrepresentation made of us by our
enemies. There are instances in history where the
virtues and disinterested behaviour of one man has
prejudiced whole nations of barbarians in favour of the
people to whom he belonged; and is it then to be
wondered at if the Indians conceived a rooted prejudice
against us, when not one, but a whole set of men,
viz., all of our nation that they had an opportunity
of seeing or conversing with, were persons of a loose and
abandoned behavour, insincere and faithless, without
religion, virtue, or morality? No one will think I
exaggerate these matters who has either known the
traders themselves, or who has read the public treaties.
If to this be added, what I find in the late treaties,
that they have been wronged in some of their lands,
what room will there be any longer to wonder that we
have so little interest with them ; that their conduct
towards us is of late so much changed, that, instead of
being a security and protection to us, as they have been
hitherto during the several wars between us and the
French, they are now turned against us and become
our enemies, principally on account of the fraudulent
dealings and immoral conduct of those heretofore em-
ployed in our trade with them, who have brought
dishonour upon our religion, and disgrace on our nation?
It nearly concerns us, if possible, to wipe off these re-
proaches, and to redeem our character, which can only

98

be done by regulating the trade ; and this the Indians,
with whom the government of Philadelphia lately
treated, demanded and expected of us.

At present, a favourable opportunity presents for
doing it effectually. All those who were engaged in this
trade are, by the present troubles, removed from it ; and
it is to be hoped that the legislature will fall upon
measures to prevent any such from ever being concerned
in it again. This is only the foundation upon which we
can expect a lasting peace with the natives. It is evident
that a great deal depends upon the persons who are to
be sent into the Indian country — from these alone the
Indians will form a judgment of us, our religion, and
manners. If these then, who are to be our represen-
tatives among the Indians be men of virtue and integrity,
sober in their conversation, honest in their dealings,
and whose practice corresponds with their profession,
the judgement formed of us will be favourable ; if, on the
contrary, they be loose and profane persons, men of
wicked lives and profligate morals, we must expect that
among the Indians our religion will pass for a jest, and
we, in general, for a people faithless and despicable.

DESCRIPTION OF THE BRITISH
SETTLEMENTS, &c

I SHALL now proceed to give a concise account of the
climates, produce, trade, &c., of North America. And
first,

NEW ENGLAND.

The province of New England appears to be vastly
extensive, being about 400 miles in length, and near 300
in breadth, situated between 69 and 73 deg. W. long.,
and between 41 and 46 deg. N. laL It was first
settled by the Independents, a little before the com-
mencement of the civil wars in England ; they trans-

99

ported themselves thither, rather ihan communicate
with the church of England.

The lands next the sea in New England are generally
low, and the soil sandy ; but further up the country it
rises into hills, and on the north east it is rocky and
mountainous. The winters are much severer here than
in Old England, though it lies nine or ten degrees more
south, but they have usually a clearer sky and more
settled weather both in winter and summer, than in Old
England ; and though their summers are shorter, the
air is considerably hotter while it lasts. The winds are
very boisterous in the winter season, and the north
wind blowing over a long track of frozen and uncultivated
countries, with several fresh water lakes, makes it
excessively cold The rivers are sometimes congealed
in a night's time. The climate is generally hedthful,
and agreeable to English constitutions.

The fruits of Old England come to great perfection
here, particularly peaches, which are planted trees, and
we have commonly 1200 or 1400 fine peaches on such
a tree at one time. Of the fruit of one single apple tree,
in one 'season, nine barrels of cider have been made.
English wheat I find does not thrive here, within 40 or
50 miles of Boston; but further up the country they
have it in great plenty, and I think it comes to the
same perfection as in Britain. Now, why wheat should
not grow near this city I confess I can assign no reason
that will fully satisfy the reader's curiosity. The con-
jectures upon it are various ; some venture to say that
it was occasioned by the unjust persecution of the
Quakers, the Independents having vented their spleen
against them in a way the most rigorous, and in fiat
contradiction to the laws of Christianity. All other
grain but wheat thrives in this place with great suc-
cess — in particular, Indian corn, one grain whereof
frequently produces 200, and sometimes 2000 grains.

681499

lOO

This com is of three different colours, viz., blue, white,
and yellow.

NEW YORK.

The situation of this province is between 72 and 76
W. long., and between 41 and 44 N. lat, about 200
miles in length, and 100 miles in breadth. The lands
in the Jerseys and south part of New York are low and
flat ; but as you ascend twenty or thirty miles up
Hudson's river, the country is rocky and mountainous.
The air is much milder here in winter than in New
England, and in summer it is pretty much the same.
The produce and trade of New York and the Jerseys
consist in cattle, and a good breed of horses. They
have plenty of wheat and other grain, such as Indian
com, buck-wheat, oats, barley, and rye. It abounds
also with stores of fish. They supply the Sugar Islands
with flour, salt beef, pork, salt fish, and timber planks,
in retum for the produce raised there.

PENNSYLVANIA.

The extent of this colony is 200 miles in length, and
200 miles in breadth. The soil is much better than in
Jersey, chiefly consisting of a black mould. The country
rises gradually as in the adjacent provinces, having the
Apalachian Mountains on the west, and is divided into
six counties. The air, it lying in the 40 deg. of N. lat
is near the same as in New York, and very healthy to
English constitutions. The produce and merchandise
of Pennsylvania consists in horses, pipe staves, beef,
pork, salt fish, skins, furs, and all sorts of grain, viz.,
wheat, rye, pease, oats, barley, buck-wheat, Indian com,
Indian pease, beans, potashes, wax, &c., and in return
for these commodities, they import from the Carribbee
Islands and other places, rum, sugar, molasses, silver,
negroes, salt, and clothing of all sorts, hardware, &c.
The nature of the soil in Pennsylvania, the Jerseys,

lOI

and New York, is extremely proper to produce hemp,
flax, &c.

If the government of Pennsylvania, since the death
of its first proprietor, William Penn, had taken proper
methods to oblige the traders to deal justly with the
Indians, whose tempers, when exasperated with resent-
ment, are more savage than the hungry lion, these
disasters might have been in a good degree prevented.

I intend to conclude this argument in a few words,
and shall endeavour to do justice on both sides by
adhering strictly to truth. Know therefore, that within
these late years, the Indians, being tolerably acquainted
with the nature of our commerce, have detected the
roguery of some of the traders, whereupon they lodged
many and grievous complaints to Colonel Weiser, the
interpreter between them and the English, of the
injurious and fraudulent usage they had received for
several years backwards from white people, who had
cheated them out of their skins and furs, not giving
them one quarter their value for them.

Likewise they remonstrated, that whereas hunting
was the chief way or art they ever had to earn a
livelihood by, game was now become very scarce,
because the whites practiced it so much on their ground,
destroying their prey. Colonel Weiser, their interpreter,
advised them to bring down their skins and furs to
Philadelphia themselves, promising that he would take
proper care to see their goods vended to their advantage.
Whereupon they did so, in pursuance of his instructions,
and finding it their interest, resolved to continue in the
way he had chalked out for them — for now they were
supplied with every thing they wanted from the
merchants' shops, at the cheapest rates. And thus it
plainly appeared to the Indians that they had been long
imposed on by the traders, and therefore they were
determined to have no more dealings with them. This

I02

conduct and shyness of the Indians was very dis-
agreeable to several gentlemen of the province, who
were nearly interested in that species of commerce.

Accordingly, in the year 1753 and 1754, some of the
traders had the assurance to renew their friendship with
them, when, instead of remitting them clothes and
other necessaries as had been usual and were most
proper for them, they, with insidious purposes, carried
them large quantities of rum in small casks, which they
knew the natives were fond of, under the colour of
giving it them gratis. In this manner were the savages
inveigled into liquor by the whites, who took the
opportunity, while they were intoxicated, of going off
with their skins and furs ; but the natives, recovering
from the debauch, soon detected the villainy, and in
revenge killed many of the traders, and went directly
over to the French, who encouraged them to slay every
English person they could meet with, and destroy their
houses by fire, giving them orders to spare neither man,
woman, nor child. Besides, as a further incitement to
diligence in this bloody task, they promised the savages
a reward of j£i^ sterling for every scalp they should
take, on producing the same before any of his Most
Christian Majesty's ofKicers civil or military.

Thus our perfidious enemies instigated those unrea-
sonable barbarians to commence acts of depredation,
violence, and murder, on the several inhabitants of
North America in 1754, and more especially in Penn-
sylvania, as knowing it to be the most defenceless
province on the continent. This consideration promted
the savage race to exhaust their malicious fury on it
in particular.

MARYLAND.

This country extends about 150 miles in length and
137 miles in breadth. The lands are low and fiat next

103

the sea ; towards the heads of rivers they rise into hills,
and beyond lie the Apalachian mountains, which are
exceeding high. The air of this province is excessive
hot some part of the summer, and equally cold in the
winter, when the north-west wind blows; but the
winters are not of so long duration here as in some
other colonies adjoining to it In the spring of the
year they are infested with thick heavy fogs that rise
from the low lands, which render the air more unhealthy
for English constitutions, and hence it is that, in the
aforesaid season, the people are constantly afflicted with
agues.

The produce of this country is chiefly tobacco,
planted and cultivated here with much application, and
nearly the same success as in Virginia, and their princi-
pal trade with England is in that article. It also affords
them most sorts of the grain and fruits of Europe and
America.

VIRGINIA.

The extent of this province is computed to be 260
miles in length, and 220 miles in breadth, being mostly
flat land. For 100 miles up the country there is scarce
a hill or a stone to be seen, The air and seasons (it
lying between 36 and 39 of north lat.) depend very
much oh the wind, as to heat and cold, dryness and
moisture. The north and north-west winds are very
nitrous and piercing cold, or else boisterous and stormy,
the south and south-east winds, hazy and sultry hot.
In winter they have a fine clear air, which renders it
very pleasant. The frosts are short, but sometimes so
very sharp, that rivers are frozen over three miles broad.
Snow often falls in large quantities, but seldom continues
above two or three days at most

The soil, though generally sandy and shallow, produces
tobacco of the best quality, in great abundance. The

I04

people's usual food is Indian corn, made into hominy,
boiled to a pulp, and comes the nearest to buttered
wheat of any thing I can compare it to. They have
horses, cows, sheep, and hogs, in prodigious plenty, many
of the last running wild in the woods. The regulation
kept here is much the same as in New England — every
man, from sixteen to sixty years of age, is enlisted into
the militia, and mustered once a year at a general
review, and four times a year by troops and companies.
Their military complement, by computation, amounts
to about 30,000 effective men ; the collective number
of the inhabitants, men, women, and children, to
100,500, and, including servants and slaves, to twice
that number.

CAROLINA.

This colony is computed to extend 660 miles in
length ; but its breadth is unknown. The lands here are
generally low and flat, and not a hill to be seen from
St Augustine to Virginia, and a great way beyond It
is mostly covered with woods, where the planters have
not cleared it About 100 miles west of the coast it
shoots up into eminences, and continues to rise gradually
all along to the Apalachian Mountains, which are about
160 miles distant from the oceail. The north parts of
Carolina are very uneven, but the ground is extremely
proper for producing wheat, and all other sorts of grain
that grow in Europe will come to great perfection here.
The south parts of Carolina, if properly cultivated, might
be made to produce silk, wine, and oil. This country
yields large quantities of rice, of which they yearly ship
off to other colonies about 80,000 barrels, each barrel
containing 4 cwt. ; besides, they make abundance
of tar, pitch, and turpentine. They carry on also a
great trade with deer skins and furs, to all places of
Europe, which the English receive from the Indians in

I05

barter for guns, powder, knives, scissors, looking-glasses,
beads, mm, tobacco, coarse cloth, &c.

The English chapmen carry their pack horses about
600 miles into the country, west of Charlestown ; but
most of the commerce is confined within the limits of
the Creek and Cherokee nations, which do not lie above
350 miles from the coast. The air is very temperate
and agreeable both summer and winter. Carolina is
divided into two distinct provinces, viz.. North and
South Carolina.

NOVA SCOTIA.

This colony extends about 600 miles in length, and
450 in breadth. The air is pretty much the same as
in Old England, the soil is, for the most part, barren ;
but where it is cleared and cultivated, it affords good
corn and pasture. Here is fine timber, and fit for
building, from whence pitch and tar may be extracted.
Here also hemp and flax will grow, so that this country
will be capable of furnishing all manner of naval stores.
It abounds likewise with deer, wild fowl, and all sorts
of game. On the coast is one of the finest cod-fisheries
in the world European cattle, viz., sheep, oxen, swine,
horses, &c, they have in great abundance. The winters
are very cold, their frosts being sharp, and of long
duration — their summers moderately hot — so that the
climate, in the main, seems to be agreeable to English
constitutions.

CANADA.

I shall close the description of the American colonies
with a short account of the soil and produce of French
Canada. Its extent is, according to their map, 1800
miles in length, and 1260 in breadth. The soil in the
low lands near the river St. Lawrence will indeed raise
wheat ; but, withal, I found it so shallow, that it would

io6

not produce that grain above two years, unless it was
properly manured. About twenty miles from the said
river, so hilly and mountainous is the country, that
nothing but Indians and wild ravenous beasts resort
there. However, they have plenty of rye, Indian corn,
buck-wheat, and oats, likewise of horses, cows, sheep,
swine, &c. But I have observed that fruits of any kind
do not come to such perfection here as in some of the
English settlements, which is owing to the long duration
and excessive cold of their winters. The summer is
short and temperately hot The climate, in general,
is healthy and agreeable to European constitutions.

EMBARKATION AT QUEBEC FOR ENGLAND

It is now high time to return to the embarkation at
Quebec. Five hundred of us, being to be sent to
England, were put on board La Renomme, a French
packet-boat. Captain Dennis Vitree, commander. We
sailed under a flag of truce, and though the French
behaved with a good deal of politeness, yet we were
almost starved for want of provisions. One biscuit,
and two ounces of pork a day being all our allowance,
and half dead with cold, having but few clothes, and the
vessel being so small that the major part of us were
obliged to be upon deck in all weathers. After a
passage of six weeks, we, at last, to our great joy,
arrived at Plymouth, on the 6th of November, 1756.
But these our troubles and hardships were not, as we
expected, put an end to for some time — scruples arising
to the Commissaries and Admiral there about taking us
on shore, as there was no cartel agreed on between the
French and English, we were confined on board until
the determination of the Lords of the Admirality should
be known. Lying there in a miserable condition seven
or eight days, before we received orders to disembark,

which, when we were permitted to do, being ordered
from thence, in different parties, to Totness, Kingsburgh,
Newton Bushel, Newton Abbot, in Devonshire, I was
happy in being quartered at Kingsbridge, where I met
with such civility and entertainment as I had for a long
time been a stranger to.

In about four months we were again ordered to
Plymouth dock, to be drafted into other regiments,
where, on being inspected, I was, on account of the
wound I had received in my hand, discharged as inca-
pable of further service, and was allowed the sum of six
shillings to carry me home to Aberdeen, near the place
of my nativity. But finding that sum insufficient to
subsist me half the way, I was obliged to make my
application to the honourable gentlemen of the city of
York, who, on considering my necessity, and reviewing
my manuscript on the transactions of the Indians herein
before mentioned, thought proper to have it printed for
my own benefit, which they cheerfully subscribed unto.
And after disposing of several of my books through the
shire, I took the first opportunity of going in quest of
my relations at Aberdeen. •

After so long an absence, my personal appearance
must no doubt recall to the memory of my friends, the
manner of my being carried off in my infancy, and they
must receive me with wonder and amazement, whom
they had for many years deemed for lost. The satis-
faction my presence gave them, of which they had been
so long deprived, it is not to be expressed ; and the
comfort I enjoyed in the prospect of seeing my nearest
relations, was in some degree a solace for the miseries
I had undergone.

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